Arms Sales Monitor #17, September 1992
(Issue No. 17, September 1992)
A Project of the Federation of American Scientists Fund
Featuring Congressional actions on conventional arms sales and weapons
proliferation.
FAS Arms Sales Monitoring Project The ASM is produced and edited by
Lora Lumpe, assisted by Ann Walsh. It is available from the FAS Fund at
307 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 [phone (202)
675-1018] at a cost of $20 per year (6-8issues). Publication and
distribution of the ASM is supported by The Ploughshares Fund,
The John Merck Fund and the Winston Foundation for World Peace.
(editorial) Congress Should Defer F-15, F-16 Decisions
In one day the Bush Administration proposed to Congress to sell nearly
$15 billion of America's most advanced combat aircraft and supporting
infrastructure to Third World countries. To put this in perspective,
that's three times the amount of weapons sold to the Third World by the
Soviet Union (the world's second largest arms merchant) in all of 1991.
The deals---a $5.8 billion sale of F-16s to Taiwan and a $9 billion
sale of F-15s to Saudi Arabia---are currently undergoing a mandatory
Congressional review and can be blocked by a two-thirds majority in
both cham-bers. However, they are meeting with scant opposition. The
elections, the recession, post-Cold War arms industry lay-offs and
aggressive lobbying by the defense industry, have conspired to make
this huge amount of arms trafficking mundane and non-controversial.
Last November two-thirds of the Senate signed a letter expressing
concern over an F-15 sale to Saudi Arabia. They noted their "profound
anxiety that such a shipment of arms may be contemplated" while the
peace talks continued. The talks are still under way and are making
real progress, but not a single Senator has introduced a resolution
to block the sale. In the House, 260 Representatives sent a letter to
President Bush in April expressing their concerns about the sale. Now,
only 35 stalwart Members are on record opposed.
The Administration was so confident of Congressional acquiescence to
these once-controversial sales that it by-passed the traditional 20-day
"pre-notification," and with Congress scheduled to recess on 5 October,
it has even forgone the 30 "in session" days normally provided. In
effect, Congress has just over two weeks to weigh the implications of,
and act on, these sales, while at the same time passing several pending
bills.
This same Congress, silent now on massive arms sales, passed a law last
year calling for U.S. leadership in restraining arms sales to the Middle
East.
Yet it's difficult to imagine actions more detrimental to efforts to curb
global
arms sales than these two massive deals: As a direct result of
the sale to Taiwan, China's future participation in arms trade control
talks
initiated by the U.S. last year is in doubt. And with the $9 billion sale
of
top-of-the-line aircraft to Saudi Arabia, U.S. credibility in seeking
to prevent Russian, Chinese and European sales to Iran and other
countries is
greatly diminished.
In this election season, everything---national security, foreign
policy, long-term economic health---is being subordinated to "jobs now".
Nothing more clearly demonstrates the political nature of these deals
than President Bush announcing them at campaign rallies at the production
plants. Others have acted to politicize these sales, too. Candidate
Clinton supports both, also in an apparent effort to win Texas and
Missouri votes. And powerful Members of Congress from these and other
states with significant arms industry---and with reelection anxieties of
their own---have lobbied hard in Congress for these sales. Members that
in the past have voted on the side of restraining Third World arms races
now remain silent, mindful of sabotaging their colleagues' (or
Presidential candidate's) election bids.
Congress clearly doesn't have the political will to vote these sales
down now, but they could vote to delay consideration until next year. In
the afterglow of the election, Congress could then take the time
necessary to thoroughly debate the foreign policy and national security
implications of these decisions. If these sales are a good idea now, they
will still be a good idea then, and arms industry claims notwithstanding,
the production lines for these systems will still be open. And, if the
sales are mainly politically motivated now, they will be less so then.
In addition, procedural changes must be made to prevent a recurrence of
this situation, where Congress and the public have insufficient time to
consider issues of tremendous consequence. At a minimum, the 30
calendar-day notification period called for in the Arms Export Control
Act should be changed to 30 in-session days.---L.L.
Sales In Progress
Helicopter gunships to Seoul 28 July---The Pentagon tells Congress of
its intention to sell 37 AH-64 Apache helicopters, 775 "Hellfire"
missiles, 8 spare T-700 helicopter engines, night vision devices and
chaff dispensers to South Korea, in a deal worth $997 million.
Warships on loan to Taiwan 4 August---In a $3.94 million deal, the
Pentagon proposes to lease three Knox class frigates to the Taiwanese
Navy under a five year agreement .
Taiwan F-16 Deal 14 September---The Pentagon sends Congress formal
notification of its plan to sell 150 General Dynamics F-16A/B fighters
and associated equipment to the Coordination Council for North American
Affairs (a front for Taiwan, made necessary under the terms of the
United States' formal recognition of the PRC). In addition to the
aircraft, 40 spare engines, 900 Sidewinder and 600 Sparrow air-to-air
missiles, 500,000 rounds of ammunition, spare parts, training and
logistics support will be sold, in a deal totalling $5.8 billion.
(General Dynamics and General Electric engine division are reportedly
lobbying to have the sale changed to the more capable and expensive
F-16C/D models, for which GE makes the engines.)
Congressional activity prompted sale While President Bush has been
widely criticized for making the F-16 sale in order to win votes, members
of the Texas Congressional delegation
initiated and pressed for the sale. According to a report in the
Washington Post on 4 September, Rep. Joe Barton (Republican from the
Texas 6th District where the F-16 is produced), requested a White House
review of U.S.-Taiwan arms sales policy in mid-July. By the end of the
month the President had publicly announced that he was reconsidering the
10-year ban on exports of sophisticated weapons to Taiwan, and an
inter-agency review supporting the sale was completed by late August.
Meanwhile, Barton, along with his Democratic Texas co-delegate Rep.
Pete Geren lined up 101 Members of Congress in support of the sale in a
letter to the President.
Most influential in pushing for the sale, however, was Democratic Texas
Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, the influential Chairman of the Finance Committee.
He called for a revision of what he termed the "outdated" policy toward
Taiwan and China, saying "A world without the Soviet Union is a world in
which Communist China's military strategic value to the United States is
virtually nil." Thus, he argued, there is no longer any reason to
accommodate China's demand that the U.S. recognize it as the legitimate
government of Taiwan and forgo arms sales to that lucrative market.
As of 25 September, there is no on-the-record Congressional opposition
to the F-16 sale. No resolution to block the sale has been introduced and
no hearings to review the policy implications of it have been held.
---box---
The Chinese government claims that the F-16 sale violates U.S.
obligations under a 1982 Sino-American agreement. The
U.S.-China Joint Communique of August 17, 1982 reads in part:
"[T]he United States Government states that it does not seek to carry
out a long-term policy of arms sales to Taiwan, that its arms sales to
Taiwan will not exceed, either in qualitative or in quantitative terms,
the level of those supplied in recent years since the establishment of
diplomatic relations between the United States and China, and that it
intends to reduce gradually its sales of arms to Taiwan, leading over a
period of time to a final resolution."
U.S. Arms Sales to Taiwan 1982-1992
FY 1982 $599 M
FY 1983 $774 M
FY 1984 $777 M
FY 1985 $754 M
FY 1986 $738 M
FY 1987 $719 M
FY 1988 $700 M
FY 1989 $611 M
FY 1990 $659 M
FY 1991 $640 M
1992 (pending)
$6,387 M
Could you explain that again? When asked how the F-16 sale could
possibly be considered consistent with the language of the U.S.-Chinese
communique, Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger explained:
"The 1982 communique with the PRC called for restraint on arms sales to
Taiwan. This decision continues to demonstrate the restraint we have
shown since signing the communique. We have always reserved the
right to replace obsolete, inoperable and out-of-production equipment
with current production models. That is what we are doing in this case."
When pressed further on how the $5.8 billion deal meets the communique's
call for a gradual reduction of arms sales to Taiwan on both qualitative
and quantitative grounds, Eagleburger replies: "I don't want to get into
a numbers game with you. We have lived up to the communique, and as I
have told you, the President has said this decision does not change our
commitment to the three communiques....Looking at the past
decade, it is clear that our policy has worked. It has promoted
stability, security and peace across the Taiwan Strait, which is in the
interest of all concerned. The President's decision will contribute to
continued stability and therefore provide further basis for the rapidly
growing exchanges between Taiwan and the PRC." Huh?
The immediate fall-out Following announcement of the sale, China said
it would not take part in the next meeting of the Permanent Five members
of the U.N. Security Council on controlling "destabilizing" arms
transfers. China also threatened to discontinue Sino-American cooperation
in the U.N. Security Council; to cut off Chinese imports of American
wheat; and to levy punitive tariffs against U.S. imports.
---end boxes---
Saudi F-15 Sale 14 September---Congress receives formal notification
from the Pentagon that the Bush Administration plans to offer Saudi
Arabia 72 F-15 "XP" aircraft in a deal worth $9 billion. The F-15XP is
the F-15E "Strike Eagle" with somewhat down-graded avionics and
munitions. Because of its bombing capacity, the F-15E has never before
been exported to any country. The sale also includes: 24 spare
engines, advanced navigation and targeting pods for 48 of the 72
aircraft, 900 Maverick air-to-ground missiles, 300 Sidewinder and 300
Sparrow air-to-air missiles, 600 cluster bombs, 700 laser-guided bombs,
spare parts, technical documentation, technical and logistics services
and training.
Faint Congressional opposition While substantial Congressional
resistance to this sale existed through the summer, only a core of
opposition on arms control grounds now remains. Aggressive lobbying by
the Missouri delegation---most notably House Majority Leader Dick
Gephardt and Senator Kit Bond, the acquiescence of Israel and its
lobbyists to the sale, and the backing of Presidential candidate Bill
Clinton, have all acted to weaken Congressional resolve against the deal.
In the House, Rep. Howard Berman remains a steadfast opponent. He, along
with Reps. Mel Levine, Bill Green, Nita Lowey, Romano Mazzoli and Foreign
Operations Subcommittee Chairman David Obey, introduce a resolution of
disapproval (H.J.Res.548) two days after Congress is notified of the
sale. By 25 September, the resolution had garnered 29 co-sponsors.
In the Senate, opposition to the sale is even more muted. On 15
September, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Claiborne Pell
sends a letter to acting Secretary of State Eagleburger, mildly
protesting the lack of customary 50-day notification and consultation on
the sale. Because of this, he requests the "the immediate preparation and
early submission, in complete detail, of the information specified in
subparagraphs (A) through (P) of Section 36(b)(1) of the Arms Control
Export Act." This includes, among other things, an analysis by the Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency of the sale's con-tribution to a regional
arms race and the extent to which the sale would adversely affect U.S.
arms control policies.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is scheduled to hold a hearing on
the sale on 29 September, with governmental and expert witnesses, but as
of 25 September, no one in
the Senate had introduced a resolution to block the sale.
---box---
Compensation for Israel Following announcement of the Saudi sale, the
New York Times reported (15 Sept.) that negotiations for compensatory
security assurances to Israel have been underway for two weeks. The
package of off-sets reportedly includes greater access to U.S. satellite
intelligence; increased pre-positioning of U.S. military stocks in
Israel; and a long-term commitment to Israel's annually legislated $1.8
billion in military grant aid from the U.S. In addition, rather than
buying more high tech American weaponry, Israel reportedly wants the
technical information to allow them to build and modify the equipment
themselves.
---box---
F-16 Sale to Greece 18 September---The Pentagon formally notifies
Congress of its plan to sell Greece 40 F-16C/D fighters, 10 spare engines
and 40 sets of LANTIRN navigation and
targeting pods for $1.8 billion.
In late August the Greek National Defense Board determined that the Greek
Air Force needed these 40 aircraft to counter the 40 F-16s which the U.S.
sold Turkey in March.
Sales to Turkey and Taiwan 21 September---Congress is notified of a
$161 million sale of 12 anti-submarine warfare helicopters to Taiwan.
On the following day, the Pentagon tells Congress it intends to sell
Turkey 20 AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM) for
its F-16 aircraft. The sale is worth $17 million.
Notes From Hearings
Industry on Arms Exports & JOBS
6 August---The House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International
Economic Policy holds a hearing on "the link between U.S. aerospace
exports and jobs." While the focus of the hearing is ostensibly
commercial aircraft exports, Subcommittee Chairman Sam Gejdenson supplies
a friendly forum for industry witnesses to make their case for greater
government assistance in exporting military aircraft, as well.
Testifying are Don Fuqua, President of the Aerospace Industries
Association; John Hayden, VP of the Boeing Co.; and Marc Barthello,
Director of International Affairs at United Technologies Corporation.
Fuqua notes the significant drop in aerospace employment since 1989, with
most cuts occurring in the military sector. "With domestic military
spending expected to continue downward, the growth area of our business
and hence a key factor for maintaining American jobs in our industry will
be civil exports." He later emphasizes, however, the importance of
military aerospace exports. Due to the overcapacity of military aircraft
industries around the world, a shake-out among the major producers is
inevitable in the next few years, he says. "Who loses the most jobs and
productive capacity, will depend upon success in export markets. That
means that competition over the next half decade will be fierce. In
turn, it means that the U.S. government and industry will have to find
better ways to work together." Both Fuqua and Barthello have plenty of
suggestions as to how the government can help industry get a bigger piece
of the shrinking pie.
Congress should provide additional credit and financing means to enhance
exports through the Ex-Im Bank and through the creation of an arms sales
financing facility. Congress should also support the President's
initiative to eliminate recoupment fees on all aerospace exports.
Recoupment fees, Barthello says, can be as much as 25 percent of the
price of some products, making U.S. weapons uncompetitive on a cost
basis.
Barthello commends the State Department on the job overseas embassies are
doing to help arms sales business. "We are very pleased that the State
Department has directed U.S. embassies to actively promote U.S.
commercial and military business interests abroad. We often use embassy
services as an important in-country support to our activities in many
countries." Likewise, he lauds recent DOD cooperation with aerospace
industry in marketing at international air shows.
---box---
Congress May Un-do Pentagon Air Show Policy
Prior to June 1991, U.S. manufacturers of military aircraft paid the
costs of leasing, transporting, insuring, operating and maintaining
Department of Defense weapons displayed at international
marketing shows. Starting with the 1991 Paris Air Show, however, industry
has been permitted to borrow Pentagon aircraft---and in some cases
military personnel---for display at these shows at no cost. But growing
public and Congressional concern over the $500,000 to $1,000,000
expenditure of tax-payer funds per show has resulted in legislation to
forbid the use of Pentagon money to subsidize such marketing activities.
In the House, Rep. Howard Berman attached an amendment to the FY93 DOD
authorization bill to block the practice (see ASM no. 15 p. 4), and the
FY93 foreign aid appropriation bill contained a similar prohibition (see
ASM no. 16 p. 5).
On 18 September Sen. Joseph Biden introduced and passed an amendment to
the Senate FY93 DOD authorization bill to return Pentagon air show policy
it to the pre-June 1991 status quo. His amendment states that no DOD
weapons can be exhibited at international marketing shows unless leased
for an amount "not less than the fair market value of the lease
interest." Industry must also pay the costs of transporting the
weapons to the show. Biden's amendment permits a waiver of the directive,
if the Secretary of one of the armed services decides that displaying a
weapons system at an air show at taxpayer expense is in U.S. national
security interests.
---end box---
Hayden urges Congress to resist the temptation to use most favored nation
trade status to advance U.S. foreign policy goals. "Failure to extend
MFN, or conditioning this status, places at risk a major market for U.S.
goods, agriculture and investment, with limited probability of achieving
U.S. objectives." Boeing estimates that between 1992 and 2010 China will
buy between $25-$35 billion in commercial airplanes. Denial of MFN
will jeopardize Boeing's ability to sell some $4.6 billion of aircraft
to China, resulting in the loss of 54,000 man years of employment, he
says.
---box---
China MFN bill On 22 September, Congress passes a bill to condition the
renewal of China's MFN status next year on its weapons proliferation
policies, among other things (see ASM no. 16 p. 5). President Bush, who
vetoed a similar bill in March, is expected to veto this one, too.
---end box---
Foreign Affairs Hearing on F-15 Sale
23 September---The House Foreign Affairs Arms Control and Middle East
Subcommittees hold a hearing on the proposed F-15 sale to Saudi Arabia
and on outstanding U.S.-Saudi
commercial disputes. Three panels, Congressional, Administration, and
non-governmental, testify.
Congressional testimony Rep. James Trafficant makes a very impassioned
statement against the F-15 sale,
based on past Saudi mistreatment of U.S. nationals. "Every time the
Saudi's assets were on the line," he says
with a straight face, the U.S. has been there for them, while in return,
the Saudis have "screwed" U.S. businesses
in Saudi Arabia. He introduced a bill prohibiting arms sales to Riyadh
until the President certifies that all 18 out-
standing commercial disputes have been resolved. In closing he makes
clear: "I will not vote for any arms sales
for Saudi Arabia, even with my language."
Rep. Larry Smith also testifies against the F-15 sale, saying it will
send a series of "wrong messages." First, it says that selling arms for
commercial purposes is OK. Second, the sale
signals our lack of respect for democracy and bolsters the legitimacy of
the Saudi regime. Smith supports the
resolution of disapproval, but like Trafficant he is not sanguine it will
pass. At the least, he says, certain
conditions must be placed on the sale: Saudi Arabia should agree to end
the economic boycott of companies doing business
with Israel; a use and deployment agreement for the aircraft should be
negotiated between Israel and
Saudi Arabia; the F-15s should be delivered as one-for-one replacements
for Saudi F-105 planes; and Mav-erick
air-to-ground missiles should be eliminated from the deal.
Rep. Charles Schumer testifies against the sale. He introduced a second
resolution of disapproval (H.J.Res.549) the day before the hearing, which
conditions the sale on Saudi Arabia
first ending the primary and secondary economic boycott of Israel.
Administration testimony Under Secretary of State for International
Affairs, Frank Wisner, testifies that these F-15s are intended to serve
as a deterrent to, and if necessary, a "first line of defense" against,
Iran and Iraq. Wisner says this sale "does not threaten Israel's
qualitative edge." Moreover, he credits a shift in Saudi policy as
greatly changing Israel's strategic environment. Never has Israel
faced less threat than now, he assures.
Wisner's counterpart at the Pentagon, Principal Under Secretary of
Defense for International Security Affairs Carl Ford, reiterates that the
F-15 sale is immediately necessitated by the threat posed to Saudi Arabia
from Iraq and Iran. Ford says given its economic and military potential,
"Iraq poses a medium and long-term threat to its neighbors." He finally
concedes under relentless questioning by Chairman Lee Hamilton, that Iraq
does not pose an imminent threat of invasion. When asked if Iran today
represents a threat to Saudi Arabia, Ford says "no, not today, but over
the longer term." Hamilton inquires whether with these F-15 Saudi Arabia
could defend itself against these countries. Ford answers, "No, not for
an extended period of time against an aggressive country like Iran or
Iraq."
Rep. Mel Levine, citing the unusualness of the President going to a
campaign rally at the manufacturing plant to announce an arms sale, says
"It's pretty difficult to escape the conclusion" that election year
politics is driving the F-15 sale. Making sales decisions on political
considerations "undermines the bases under which arms sales are supposed
to be made," as codified in the Arms Export Control Act.
That law calls for arms sales to promote regional stability and arms
control; it does not envision arms sales as jobs programs, he reminds.
Wisner agrees that arms sales should not be decided on commercial merits
and claims that this one was based on "strategic rationales....This is
not a matter of commerce." Levine, glad to hear that, says that
"certainly was not the way it was presented to the public"
Levine asks Wisner what impact the sale has had on the Mideast bilateral
and multilateral peace talks. Wisner says it has had a "constructive
influence." The Moscow round of multilateral talks was in no way impeded
by the announcement, and Israel and Syria continued to negotiate unabated
right through the announcement. Levine ventures on: "Wouldn't it make
sense when we're engaged in potentially path-breaking arms control talks
in the region" to put these Saudi and compensatory Israeli arms sales on
hold?
Wisner doesn't really address the question, but says the balance of
military power in the region will not be upset by the sale.
Moreover, this sale provides the U.S. with "critically needed influence
in a vital region," Wisner says. Wait a minute. Saudi Arabia depends on
us for it's defense, right? Wisner: "in the final analysis, yes." Levine:
don't we maintain influence with Saudi Arabia by the fact that they are
dependent on us for their defense? Wisner: well....
Expert testimony Ralph Earle, former Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, former Director
of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and current Chairman of the
Lawyers Alliance for World Security, outlines his concerns about
proceeding with the F-15 sale now. "The Administration asserts that our
allies in the region have legitimate security concerns in the
region; this is obviously true. The security interests are only made more
precarious as the region becomes laden with sophisticated conventional
armaments. Our sales throughout the region have only tended to push the
upward cycle of rearmament in the region without any real benefit for our
allies in the long-term. If we are concerned other industrialized nations
might sell to regional allies if we do not, then we should bring the
force of our national leadership to negate the crass commercialism which
inevitably creates more egregious security problems." He urges
that the U.S. review its legitimate long-term security needs and those
of its allies, and in the interim, halt further arms transfers.
Natalie Goldring, Deputy Director of the British American Security
Information Council, says it's a myth that the F-15 and F-16 sales will
save arms industry jobs. "In fact, they will postpone job losses on these
particular lines for only a short time. The Administration has determined
that these lines are going to close; the only question is when. If the
United States considers it in its national security interest to have an
operational F-15 line, the Department of Defense could buy additional
planes for its own forces, even at inefficient rates. DoD could also
investigate the possibility of upgrading the F-15 rather than
proceeding with the costly F-22 Advanced Tactical Fighter pro-gram. We
don't need to sell our most advanced fighter aircraft." On the arms
control implications of the sale: "Last fall, the Perm Five
issued guidelines for conventional arms transfers in which they agreed
to avoid transfers that would `increase tension in a region or contribute
to regional instability' or which would `introduce destabilizing military
capabilities in aa region.' This sale violates both principles."
Ironically, Goldring notes, full 50-day notification would expire on
election day, 3 November. The rushed timing of the notification "has
seriously inhibited American citizens' rights to a fully informed debate
of the sale," she says.
Miscellany
U.S.-Kuwait Military Cooperation Kills Three 9 August---Two Marines are
killed when their Cobra helicopter crashes during military exercises in
Kuwait. They were taking part in nearly month-long military exercises
called (in inimitable Pentagonese) operations "Intrinsic Action," "Eager
Mace" and "Native Fury." The exercises, which sprang from the ten-year
U.S. defense cooperation agreement signed with Kuwait last year, pairing
U.S. soldiers with American equipment stored in Kuwait. The following
week (17 August) a U.S. Navy Harrier jet fighter crashes in the
exercises. Its pilot is killed.
Drumming up business in the Gulf August---A travelling road show of
U.S. M1A2 Abrams main battle tanks and their companion Bradley Infantry
Fighting Vehicles (IFV) are touring the Persian Gulf. They are pitted in
a sales war against the British Challenger 2 tank/Desert Warrior IFV duo
for the lucrative United Arab Emirates and Kuwaiti markets. Army chief
Michael Stone and Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney even show up in the
region to stump for the Abrams/Bradley combo.
Missile Sanctions Relaxed Against China 12 September---The State
Department tells Congress that, on national security grounds, it is
waiving legislated sanctions against China, levied because of past
Chinese missile technology transfers. The waiver follows China's
agreement earlier this year to observe Missile Technology Control Regime
(MTCR) export guidelines. State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher
says: "It was announced that in response to this Chinese decision [to
abide by the MTCR], we would consider waivers for the export of
satellites and components. The Administration has carefully monitored
Chinese compliance and concludes that Chinese behavior is consistent with
its obligations." The waiver frees up for export six satellites worth
$650 million. "These exports will help reduce our trade deficit with
China and provide jobs for American workers," Boucher said.
---box---
Rep. Bennett Notes Dangers of Warplane Sales
In a timely op-ed, Rep. Charles Bennett says, "Despite the publicity
focussed on the dangers of ballistic-missile delivery systems, it seems
that future nuclear challenges to the U.S. and its interests are more
likely to come by aircraft."
He cites a recent House Intelligence Committee report outlining the
emerging U.S. security threat posed by the spread of advanced combat
aircraft, and he notes that in the past decade hundreds of aircraft
capable of delivering nuclear weapons have been sold to developing
countries.
Instead of aircraft sales like those currently pending, he recommends,
"our nation should spearhead a multinational effort to limit or end such
sales."
---end box---
Recent Congressional Publications
Defense Economic Adjustment and Conversion Program (Newport, RI)
(hearing of the Investigations Subcommittee of the HASC on 16 December
1991) U.S.GPO: 1992
Korean Fighter Program (hearing of the Arms Control Subcommittee of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee on 1 August 1991) U.S.GPO: 1992
Need for an Independent Counsel to Investigate U.S. Government
Assistance to Iraq (hearing of the Judiciary
Committee on 2 & 23 June 1992) U.S.GPO: 1992
Review of U.S. Department of Agriculture's Export Credit Guarantees
Extended to Iraq (hearing of the House
Agriculture Comm. on 14 March 1991 on BNL) U.S. GPO: 1992