Index

49–596 CC
1998
ACKNOWLEDGING THE POSITIVE ROLE OF TAIWAN IN THE CURRENT ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS AND AFFIRMING THE SUPPORT OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FOR PEACE AND STABILITY ON THE TAIWAN STRAIT AND SECURITY FOR TAIWAN'S DEMOCRACY

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON
ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

ON H. CON. RES. 270
 

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MAY 21, 1998

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California

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JON FOX, Pennsylvania
LINDSEY O. GRAHAM, South Carolina
JOHN McHUGH, New York
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
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JIM DAVIS, Florida
LOIS CAPPS, California
RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff
MICHAEL H. VAN DUSEN, Democratic Chief of Staff

Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska, Chairman
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
MATT SALMON, Arizona
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
ROBERT E. ANDREWS, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
LOIS CAPPS, California
MIKE ENNIS, Subcommittee Staff Director

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RICHARD KESSLER, Democratic Professional Staff Member
DAN MARTZ, Counsel
HEIDI L. HENNIG, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S

APPENDIX

Bills and amendments:
H. Con.. Res. 270
Amendment in the nature of a substitute by Mr. Bereuter, a Representative in Congress from Nebraska
Amendment to replace (1) in resolving clause on page 2 offered by Mr. Rohrabacher, a Representative in Congress from California
MARKUP OF H. CON. RES. 270

THURSDAY, MAY 21, 1998
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
    The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Doug Bereuter (chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. BEREUTER. [presiding] The Subcommittee will come to order. We'll proceed as far as we can until we come to substantive issues, then wait for representations from the minority.

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    However, I'd like to expedite the procedure, and so today the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee meets in open session to consider H. Con. Res. 270, a concurrent resolution acknowledging the positive role of Taiwan in the current Asian financial crisis and affirming the support of the American people for peace and stability on the Taiwan Strait, which the clerk will report.
    The CLERK. ''H. Con. Res. 270, acknowledging the positive role of Taiwan in the current Asian financial crisis and affirming the support of the American people for peace and stability on the Taiwan Strait and security for Taiwan's democracy.
    Whereas the American people''——
    Mr. BEREUTER. Without objection, further reading of the resolution will be dispensed with, printed in the record, and open for amendment.
    [The resolution referred to appears in the appendix.]
    Mr. BEREUTER. The resolution was introduced on April 30, 1998 by Representatives Solomon, Rohrabacher, and Cox, and referred to the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific.
    Before we begin the formal process of considering the resolution, I'll make a few comments. I will then recognize the Ranking Member, followed by other Members of the Subcommittee for comments that they might like to make.
    Yesterday, the Subcommittee held a hearing to examine the U.S.-Taiwan relations in advance of President Clinton's announced trip to China next month. At this hearing the Administration clearly stated that there is to be no fourth communique announced at the summit, nor would the Administration entertain any concessions regarding U.S. arms sales in Taiwan. These two statements were certainly well received by the Taiwanese Government, as I and many or all of my colleagues at the hearing understand it. The reassurances provided by the Administration's direct statements on this were important.
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    As everyone on the Subcommittee knows, the Congress has long played a crucial role in the Taiwan relationship. This includes working with the Administration to ensure U.S. arms sales to Taiwan meet Taiwan's defense needs without provoking an arms race with the PRC or other countries in the region.
    I did receive some good advice that the Congress, and therefore this Subcommittee, needs to play a more aggressive role in demanding our appropriate role with respect to the executive branch in considering proposed changes in arms sales. And if necessary, I think we'll begin making that request every month.
    We are, after all, the authors of the Taiwan Relations Act, which remains the law of the land. It happened right after Congressman Solomon and I arrived in Congress. We're not responsible for the negative impacts, but I think Congressman Solomon has previously announced some of his early thoughts and involvement in that effort.
    Taiwan and the United States share fundamental values, both economically and politically. Last February, Taiwan and the United States concluded a market access agreement which provided immediate market access for U.S. agricultural products in Taiwan, as well as loosening restrictions on U.S. telecommunications firms operating in Taiwan.
    Politically, Taiwan is now a vibrant democracy characterized by free elections, a free press, and dynamic political campaigns. Taiwan's political metamorphosis over the past decade has been profoundly impressive and serves as a model of peaceful, democratic change in the region and beyond.
    H. Con. Res. 270, which as I've said was introduced by Representatives Solomon, Cox, Rohrabacher, and now has other co-sponsors, sends a clear message of Congress' deep respect and affinity for the people of Taiwan, as well as our firm commitment to seeking peaceful resolution regarding Taiwan's future.
    While it is true only the Chinese on both sides of the Strait can determine their future, the United States must continue to play a role in ensuring the peace and stability of the region. So I would commend Representatives Solomon, Cox, Rohrabacher, and others who now co-sponsor, for this resolution as this important juncture in Taiwan-U.S. relations has arrived upon us.
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    In Mr. Berman's absence at this point, I'll turn to Mr. Rohrabacher if he has an opening statement.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. OK. Is he on the way? OK, good.
    While we're marking time, let me just say that this. What we're discussing today is a congressional resolution that is meant to be a place-setter for the President's upcoming visit to the mainland of China. And why it is necessary to reaffirm certain aspects of our relationship with Communist China and with the mainland, as well as with Taiwan, is because we do not want people to believe that there is an evolution of policy taking place, that we would blink our eyes and one day see that there is a different policy in place than those policies that have been agreed upon in the past.
    And that is the reason why, in terms of this resolution, that I have offered a substitute to section 1 of the resolve clause of this, which just reinforces the ''one China'' policy, but reinforces that there has been no evolution of this policy beyond that which was already agreed upon during the different communiques and different negotiations that we have had over the years with the Chinese mainland.
    This is of particular importance because the China that we are having a relationship with today is not the China that President Nixon negotiated with years ago when he opened up the mainland of China for relations with our country. The China today is not a China that is evolving politically in the right direction. It may be a China of economic progress, as we have heard so often, but it is a China whose political evolution is going in the wrong direction.
    Since Tiananmen Square, the evolution of the mainland of China, in terms of politically, has been headed toward more repression and not less repression. And while lots of people herald the economic growth and the increase in the standard of living, we have to recognize that it is the continued dictatorial nature of the regime in Beijing that threatens all of the progress China has made.
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    And as Americans who believe that economic progress and freedom go hand-in-hand, it behooves us to make sure that we stress again, not just the economic progress, but also the political nature of our relationship as well as the national security interests that are involved with this relation to China.
    And with that, I yield back the balance of my time.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman. Mr. Berman has arrived, and I welcome him and an opening statement if he has one.
    Mr. BERMAN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. It was interesting to hear that the China of the cultural revolution of the late sixties and early seventies was a China evolving in the right direction, but apart from that, I am in support of the resolution that you are marking up today, and I think it is quite appropriate for us to place as a top priority for our executive branch seeking the kind of public renunciation of the use of force that this resolution proposes. The Administration, when called upon, such as in 1996, took purposeful and assertive actions to respond to the missile attacks that were then going on in the Taiwan Straits.
    But I can think of nothing better for the development of China-Taiwan relationships in whatever formulation you want to talk about them, and stability in East Asia, than for the Chinese to foreswear any intent to utilize or rely on force to implement its position in this conflict.
    And so I congratulate you for your willingness to mark this up. I support the resolution, and I yield back my time.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you very much, Mr. Berman. Mr. Salmon, Mr. Manzullo, Mr. Hastings? Do you have opening statements?
    Mr. Hastings, you're recognized.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Mr. Chairman, very, very briefly. Thank you for holding this hearing. I echo Mr. Berman's remarks in that I support the resolution as well.
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    But you know, Mr. Chairman, I would be terribly remiss if I didn't take this opportunity to say, since we are sending what I think is an appropriate message to the President of the United States by way of the base part of the resolution, I would also hope, since the President's itinerary is always a work in progress, not so much through this legislation, but at least with some of our words, that he consider and his functionaries consider an appropriate visit to Taiwan.
    Now if we really want to make a part of a statement, then I think that that would help to undergird our seriousness regarding the cross-Strait concerns. Very occasionally we overlook those kinds of undertakings, and I know there are many who would argue differently, but I think the President ought to go to China, definitely, and I think he ought to go to Taiwan as well.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Hastings. You'll recall that the decision was made by the Speaker on the delegation where we accompanied him to visit Taiwan, in part for that reason.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Yes, sir.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Any further opening remarks? Very well, the Chair has amendments to H. Res. 270 to be considered en bloc. The clerk will report the amendments to put them on the record.
    The CLERK. ''Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H. Con. Res. 270''——
    Mr. BEREUTER. Without objection, the amendments will be considered as read, printed in the record, considered en bloc, and open for amendment at any point.
    [The amendments referred to appear in the appendix.
    Mr. BEREUTER. The en bloc amendment that I am offering makes some specific changes, clarifies some language from the original resolution, and modifies some language to ensure consistency with the language in the Taiwan Relations Act, which is the law of the land.
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    I'm not going to go into all the details of those elements. The only part that is a significant addition is one in the new resolve clause, adding the longstanding bipartisan support for a ''one China'' policy and our abiding interest in a peaceful resolution of Taiwan. I feel it's important to make it clear that the resolution comports with U.S. policy and that our expression of our support of Taiwan is in keeping with the long, honorable bipartisan tradition.
    Mr. Rohrabacher showed me an amendment before the beginning of the markup, which I understand is also supported by the primary sponsor, Mr. Solomon. I see no objection to that language versus my own. It has not been distributed, but I will get it before you in short order.
    If there is any ambiguity or distinction from existing law in our language, it was unintentional, and I am going to be supportive of the amendment I assume Mr. Rohrabacher will be making at this point.
    Is there any discussion on the amendment, or is there an amendment?
    Mr. Rohrabacher.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Chairman, I would offer my amendment to section 1 of the resolve clause, and it simply is language that would reconfirm the ''one China'' policy that has been the agreement between our governments all along, and that there has been no evolution out of the agreement. The language is designed to make sure that people understand that we're not talking about changing the status quo, that instead we are reaffirming the ''one China'' policy that has already been agreed to.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Rohrabacher, thank you. That was certainly my intention.
    The amendment to Mr. Bereuter's amendment offered by Mr. Rohrabacher appears in the appendix.]
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    Are there any elements of discussion on the Congressman's amendment to the amendment? Mr. Manzullo.
    Mr. MANZULLO. I wonder what we're trying to say here. It says, the United States reaffirms its longstanding—''The U. S.abides by all previous understandings of a 'one China' policy and its abiding interest in a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan Straits issue.'' Does that mean an historical reference? You know, Macau will be under Chinese rule, and Hong Kong was under a 99-year lease to the Brits.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Well, it means whatever——
    Mr. MANZULLO. I just wonder where we're going on this.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Where it's going is to suggest where we have made agreements—as they stand—those agreements are in place. This language has been developed to ensure people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits that unless there is an actual agreement in a change in our policy, the policy is as was previously negotiated, because always people are hinting at the evolution of a policy, and I don't see that a policy evolves unless you have agreed to that.
    And that type of approach, by leaving open the idea that the previous agreements can—that something can be done to change them in an evolutionary process, leads to bad expectations on both sides of the Straits and leads to misunderstandings.
    Mr. MANZULLO. I understand that. I'm just asking why are—you know, we're here making this statement about Taiwan, and off and on mainland China threatens Taiwan. The next year we hear about a reunification between those two nations into one nation. I guess, Mr. Salmon, you were the author of this?
    Mr. BEREUTER. No, Mr. Solomon is the author.
    Mr. MANZULLO. Oh, Solomon. Who is the author of this—why is it necessary to re-state what already is?
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    Mr. BEREUTER. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. MANZULLO. Of course.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I think what we're doing here is to primarily assure that we're not sending any ambiguous messages to the PRC or to Taiwan. As I understand the nature of the gentleman's points with respect to his amendment, we're also trying to assure that Congress protects its role, that when there is a change in policy it is because Congress has had a role in changing that policy. An evolution outside the legislative process is something we resist. Is that essentially it?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. That's correct.
    Mr. MANZULLO. OK; that answers my question.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Is there further discussion on the amendment to the amendment? Mr. Berman.
    Mr. BERMAN. Is the ''s'' after ''understandings'' to indicate we've had different and contradictory understandings, or that the total understanding is a series of understandings? I guess what I'm suggesting is—''by all previous understandings''—it's a curious wording that's being suggested. But then, what's the word ''all'' doing there?
    Mr. MANZULLO. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. BERMAN. Yes.
    Mr. MANZULLO. I take it we have reference here to the Taiwan Relations Act. Is that one of the understandings?
    Mr. BERMAN. We have the three communiques.
    Mr. MANZULLO. Right; different communiques. Is there a better word of art than ''understandings''?
    Mr. BEREUTER. Let's refer the question, if you would, to the gentleman from California. It's your time, however.
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    Mr. BERMAN. I think I'm going to withdraw my comments, not answer the question, and support the gentleman's amendment.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. BEREUTER. Is there further discussion? The gentleman from Illinois.
    Mr. MANZULLO. I'm going to stay with the amendment. I was just wondering if there is a—does the word ''understandings'' mean?—that seems like such a weak word, as opposed to maybe the word ''commitments,'' in terms of—I'll just be quiet if you think it's going to hurt this amendment. You know, I can easily do that.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. BEREUTER. I would say to the gentleman that I don't see a problem, and I see ''commitments'' as a narrower kind of understanding.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. MANZULLO. Why?
    Mr. BEREUTER. There are understandings, part of which are commitments.
    Mr. BERMAN. Both narrower and more accurate.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Is there further discussion? I'm not trying to railroad this through.
    Mr. MANZULLO. No; I understand your point.
    Mr. BEREUTER. The motion then comes on the Rohrabacher amendment to the en bloc amendment. All those in favor will say aye.
    All those opposed will say no.
    In the opinion of the Chair, the ayes have it. The ayes do have it.
    Is there further discussion or amendment on the en bloc amendment offered by this Member?
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    [No response.]
    Hearing none, the motion comes on the en bloc amendment as amended by the Rohrabacher amendment. All those in favor will say aye.
    All those opposed will say no. In the opinion of the Chair, the ayes have it. The ayes do have it.
    Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I'm sorry?
    Mr. BERMAN. Could Members of the Subcommittee be added if they want to be as co-sponsors?
    Mr. BEREUTER. Yes; I'm sure that's the case. If Members would like to be added as co-sponsors, we will assure that that is done at this point before we take our final action and send it to the Committee.
    I would entertain a motion to report the resolution to the Full Committee. The gentleman from California moves that we report the resolution to the Full Committee of the International Relations, with a recommendation that the resolution be favorably reported to the full House.
    The question then is on the motion. All those in favor will say aye.
    All those opposed will say no.
    The ayes have it, and the resolution as amended is agreed to. Without objection, the staff director will be authorized, in consultation with the minority, to make technical, grammatical, and conforming changes to the text just agreed to.
    I thank my colleagues for the expeditious markup.
    The gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Just because my words were interpreted in a certain way by my friend and colleague from California, I thought I would clarify that China was going in the right direction during the 1980's when Ronald Reagan was President of the United States——
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    [Laughter.]
—and that only reversed at Tiananmen Square, and I was not referring to that time period prior to the election of that great President.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I may regret this generous use of my time.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. And with that I—thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Maybe we can make Tiananmen Square a Reagan Square, or something.
    Mr. BEREUTER. The motion was made adjourn. The Subcommittee's markup is adjourned.
    Whereupon, at 2:22 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned subject to the call of the Chair.]

A P P E N D I X

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