Kazakhstan Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 The Constitution of Kazakhstan concentrates power in the presidency. President Nursultan Nazarbayev is the dominant political figure. The Constitution permits the President to dominate the legislature and judiciary, as well as regional and local governments; changes or amendments to the Constitution are nearly impossible without the President's consent. President Nazarbayev was elected to a new 7-year term in a 1999 election that fell far short of international standards. A June 2000 law allows the President to maintain certain policy prerogatives and a seat on the National Security Council after he leaves office. The Constitution limits Parliament's powers by precluding it from appropriating state money or lowering taxes without executive branch approval. However, Members of Parliament (M.P.'s) have the right to introduce legislation, and some bills introduced by M.P.'s have become laws. Parliamentary elections held in October 1999 were an improvement on the presidential election but still fell short of the country's commitments as a member of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). During the year, experimental local akim (governor) elections were held in some rural areas; the OSCE and other international observers also criticized these elections as falling short of international commitments. The judiciary remained under the control of the President and the executive branch. The Committee for National Security (KNB) is responsible for national security, intelligence, and counterintelligence. The KNB also plays a law enforcement role in border security, internal security, and antiterrorism efforts, and oversees the external intelligence service, Barlau. The chairman of the KNB reports directly to the President. The Ministry of Interior (MVD) supervises the criminal police, who are poorly paid and widely believed to be corrupt. The KNB continued efforts to improve its public image by focusing on fighting government corruption, religious extremism, terrorism, illegal arms exports, and organized crime. Members of the security forces committed human rights abuses. The country has a total population of approximately 15 million, and is rich in natural resources, particularly petroleum and minerals. The Government has made significant progress toward a market-based economy since independence; it successfully has privatized small- and medium-sized firms and many large-scale industrial complexes and has attracted significant foreign investment, primarily to the energy and minerals sectors. The agricultural sector, which represents approximately 10 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), has been slower to reform, because the Government has not established a legal basis for private agricultural land ownership. The average monthly wage in June was $117 (17,288 tenge) compared with an average monthly wage in 2000 of $95.14 (13,521 tenge). According to official data, 32 percent of the population lived below the minimum subsistence level in 2000, compared with 34 percent in 1999. Favorable world commodity prices in 2000 and during the year, as well as low inflation, a stable exchange rate, and signs of recovery in local industries, resulted in a GDP growth of 9.6 percent in 2000, from $1,135 in 1999 to $1,225 in 2000. Inflation has been under control and was 9.8 percent in 2000. Real GDP growth for the year is expected to be 10.2 percent, while annual inflation is forecast at approximately 7 percent. The Government's human rights record was poor; although there were significant improvements in a few areas, serious problems remained. The Government severely limits citizens' right to change their government and democratic institutions remained weak. Members of the security forces committed a small number of extrajudicial killings during mistreatment of detainees and abuse of military conscripts. Police tortured detainees in the form of beatings, and otherwise mistreated detainees. In June the head of the Prosecutor General's office admitted to increasing instances of physical abuse of subordinates. Prison conditions remained harsh and life-threatening; however, the Government took an active role in efforts to improve prison conditions and the treatment of prisoners, and observers have noted significant improvements in prison conditions. The Government continued to use arbitrary arrest and detention, and prolonged detention was a problem. The judiciary remained under the control of the President and the executive branch, and corruption in the judiciary remained deeply rooted. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. There were instances when the Government harassed and monitored independent and opposition media, and as a consequence, many journalists practiced self-censorship. In April the Parliament approved amendments to the media law that expand the liability of media outlets, treat Web sites as media outlets and limit direct rebroadcast of foreign media. The Government imposes some restrictions on freedom of assembly and imposes restrictions on freedom of association. At times the Government harassed those whom it regarded as religious extremists. There were some limits on freedom of movement, although the Government took significant steps to improve this freedom. Some human rights monitors reported that the Government monitored their activities. Violence against women, including domestic violence was a serious problem. There was discrimination against women, persons with disabilities, and ethnic minorities. The Government discriminated in favor of ethnic Kazakhs. The Government limited worker rights; it tried to limit the influence of independent trade unions, both directly and through its support for state-sponsored unions, and members of independent trade unions were harassed. Child labor persisted in agricultural areas. Trafficking in women and children, primarily teenage girls, was a problem and local nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) accused some customs and border officials of complicity in trafficking. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful deprivation of life There were no reports of political killings by the Government or its agents; however there were deaths in custody and deaths in the military as a result of mistreatment (see Section 1.c.). During the year, members of the security forces killed a conscript. Military hazing remained a problem. In July an army soldier near Almaty hanged himself; his parents alleged that he was beaten repeatedly during his military service. In August a military officer was convicted of beating to death a 20-year-old private in the border patrol; the officer attempted to conceal the beating and claimed that the death was the result of a snakebite. Information on the total number of deaths in the military was unavailable at year's end. In 2000 the Government began a program to improve the training of military forces on social and legal issues in order to reduce hazing (see Section 1.c.). There have been reports of prosecution for hazing; however, details generally were not available. Harsh prison conditions led to the deaths of some persons in custody, many from disease (see Section 1.c.). The Vice Minister of Interior confirmed that two prisoners died at a pretrial detention center in Petropavlovsk during the year. An investigation by the Presidential Commission on Human Rights concluded that one death was a suicide by hanging, and one was a heart attack. On November 3, Kanat Biyembetov died in a Turkestan hospital following his October 26 arrest by the KNB for suspicion of being a member of an extremist group (see Section 1.c.). In July 2000, Kairat Sabdenov, the son of a M.P. died from internal injuries he sustained during an alleged police beating in Kokshetau after he had been detained following a car accident. In April the driver of the other car (a civilian) was found guilty of inflicting grave injuries, which the court stated, resulted in Sabdenov's death. Five police officers were charged with improper performance of their duties in connection with the alleged beating, but none were convicted. In April 2000, a man named Bekov died in a hospital from injuries he claimed to have sustained when police in Almaty detained and beat him. In April 2001, the Prosecutor's office opened a case against an employee of the regional Internal Affairs Department. On June 11, the employee of the Internal Affairs Department was acquitted based on his own rehabilitation. At year's end, the Prosecutor General's Office was reviewing the decision of the local court in this case. In March 2000, Ivan Prokopenko died in a detention center in Aktobe, after having been arrested 2 months earlier on suspicion of having stolen some wooden poles. Human rights monitors reported that the boy's parents and a doctor who examined the boy's body found evidence of brain trauma, burns, and cuts. In October 2000, the Aktobe city prosecutor found that Prokopenko had died from head injuries suffered when he slipped and fell, hitting his head on the concrete floor, the chairman of the Presidential Commission on Human Rights reiterated this finding at hearings before the U.N. Committee on Torture. According to press reports, a criminal case was brought against a police sergeant in Makhtaaralsk (Shymkent Oblast) for the 1999 beating death of a 24-year-old man, Nurzhan Saparov, who was in custody following his arrest for disturbing the peace. Reportedly, four other police officers charged with responsibility for his death in 2000 also were awaiting trial; however, no new information was available on their case. On May 23, the body of Dilbirim Samsakovaya, director of a charitable Uyghur foundation and a well-known Uyghur community activist was found in a river outside of Almaty. An investigation into her murder was ongoing at year's end. Police believe that the killing was related to Samsakovaya's personal or business dealings. b. Disappearance There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The Constitution states that "no one must be subject to torture, violence or other treatment and punishment that is cruel or humiliating to human dignity;" however, police tortured, in the form of beatings, and otherwise abused detainees, often in order to obtain confessions. Law enforcement officers participating in a government conference on pretrial detention facilities noted that beatings by officials were common in such facilities (see Section 1.d.). Prison officials beat and mistreated prisoners. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of police beating peaceful protesters (see Section 2.b.). On November 3, Kanat Biyembetov died in a Turkestan hospital following his October 26 arrest by the KNB for suspicion of being a member of an extremist group. According to signed statements by Biyembetov and his family, he was beaten by the arresting KNB officers. The KNB officers alleged that Biyembetov sustained his injuries when he jumped from a moving police car. An investigation conducted by the Military Prosecutor's Office, at the request of Biyembetov's family, concluded that Biyembetov had died of kidney failure. Human rights monitors believe that this was a well-documented case of beating, and that the injuries received from the beating directly contributed to Biyembetov's death. Government officials acknowledged the seriousness of the problem of police abuse and undertook some efforts to combat it. According to the Prosecutor General in 2000, disciplinary measures were taken against 6,317 officers of governmental investigative agencies for violating individuals' constitutional rights. Prosecutors brought criminal charges against 107 police officers for the unlawful use of physical force against citizens in 2000 and disciplinary actions were taken against hundreds more. Human rights observers believe that these cases cover only a small fraction of the incidents of police abuse of detainees, which they characterized as routine. Training standards and pay for police are very low, and individual law enforcement officials often were supervised poorly. Almaty authorities initially brought criminal charges against two policemen for beating opposition activist Aleksei Martynov in custody in 1999; however, the charges were dropped. Martynov claims that he continued to receive threatening telephone calls, which forced him to leave the country in June. At year's end, he remained abroad. No arrests were made in connection with the assault against opposition activist Andrei Grishin in November 1999, shortly after he published a newspaper article critical of a new museum dedicated to the President; the case was closed at year's end. On June 25, while working on election reform advocacy, Andrei Grishin alleged that the Minister of Internal Affairs, Colonel Bektassov, approached him in front of Grishin's apartment building, asked if he remembered the 1999 beating, and cautioned him to "behave himself." According to Grishin, Bektassov previously had called him into the police station to issue such warnings on several occasions. The authorities have taken no action against police who allegedly beat 70 members of an Islamic group from Taraz who were detained temporarily in 1999. In June 2000, the official press reported that customs and border officials were under investigation for possible complicity with a trafficking ring in the southern part of the country; however, no charges were brought against any officials as of year's end (see Section 6.f.). On January 30, two individuals stabbed Platon Pak, Karaganda leader of the opposition Azamat Party, four times. They had gained entrance to Pak's home by claiming to be acquaintances of Peter Svoik, cochairman of the Azamat Party. Pak stated that the individuals told him the Azamat Party was "getting in the way" and to tell Svoik to stop his activities. On December 3, the Presidential Commission on Human Rights stated that their investigation uncovered no information connecting the crime to Pak's political activity. On March 1, five unidentified individuals beat Gulzhan Yergaliyeva, television journalist and People's Congress Party deputy chairperson, and her family, and stole grant money from a home safe (see Section 2.a.). Yergaliyeva's weekly television program often airs opposition opinions; human rights monitors alleged that the attack was politically motivated. In April police detained a suspect in the case; however, Yergaliyeva could not positively identify him as one of the assailants. The suspect remained in jail at year's end because he had been convicted of other unrelated crimes. Information became available during the year that the previously reported death of Kairat Seidakhmetov, a juvenile who slit his throat in a Zhanatas courtroom in April 2000, was false. Both the Presidential Commission on Human Rights and the NGO Kazakhstan Human Rights Bureau stated that the previous information was incorrect, and that the youth did not die from his self-inflicted injuries and is alive. Overcrowding, inadequate diet, and a lack of medical supplies and personnel contributed to the spread of tuberculosis and other major diseases. Approximately 9,000 prisoners suffer from tuberculosis. In 2000 a total of 498 prisoners died in penal facilities; more than 200 of these deaths were due to illness, mostly tuberculosis. Another 170 gravely ill prisoners died shortly after being released. In 1999 a total of 384 prisoners died tuberculosis while in custody and 409 were released on humanitarian grounds due to illness and died at home. Government officials stated that improved treatment undertaken in cooperation with the World Health Organization has reduced the deaths from tuberculosis. There were five tuberculosis colonies and three tuberculosis hospitals for prisoners. The Government's senior prisons official acknowledged that the number of prisoners with AIDS is growing. The number infected reportedly grew from 256 in 1999 to 263 in 2000, although the authorities maintained that the prisoners were infected before being incarcerated. However, experts believed that many cases go unreported. Prisoners are allowed one 4-hour visit every 3 months, but additional visits may be granted in emergency situations. Some prisoners are eligible for 3-day visits with close relatives once every 6 months. On May 19, 15 inmates at the Semipalatinsk Prison No. 156/14 committed acts of self-mutilation, slitting their wrists and driving nails into their chests and backs, to protest prison conditions. The inmates demanded the closure of solitary confinement cells, the removal of some prison officials, and free movement within the prison grounds. There were no reports of a formal investigation; however, the prison administrator was fired as a result of the protest. In September two officials at the Ust-Kamenogorsk Prison 156/2 were charged and convicted with abuse of power for beating prisoners in August 2000. The two received 3-year suspended sentences and 2 years probation, and are ineligible to work for the Government for 3 years. The prison system consists of pretrial detention centers, penal colonies (including low and medium security facilities, women's and juvenile facilities), and maximum-security prisons. The Government was active in pursuing penal reform and projects to improve prison conditions. The Government passed legislation in 2000 to transfer authority over prisons from the Interior Ministry to the Justice Ministry in a move intended to further improve prison conditions. The actual transfer of authority is scheduled to be implemented beginning in January 2002. In March 2000, the MVD opened a training center for penitentiary system employees in Pavlodar. During the year, the Government together with the OSCE and the international NGO Penal Reform International (PRI), undertook projects to provide medical and human rights training to prison officials. The Government, in cooperation with the PRI and the OSCE, expanded the Pavlodar prison personnel training project to Karaganda, Akmola, and East Kazakhstan Oblasts. The PRI has reported a considerable improvement in conditions, food, and medical treatment in Pavlodar. New women's and juvenile facilities, with much improved physical conditions, were being built in the Eastern Kazakhstan Oblast at year's end. In April the Government formed a working group on alternatives to confinement. During the year, the group researched international practice to improve juvenile justice and reviewed legislation and the judicial system as they relate to prisons. In 2000 the Government announced a general amnesty under which during the year, more than 26,700 prisoners were freed and criminal proceedings were dropped against another 3,450. Juveniles, men, and women are kept in separate facilities. Although there is no known statutory requirement, human rights monitors and journalists wishing to visit prisons must receive authorization from the MVD; monitors and journalists generally were allowed access to penal colonies, except during protests. Access to pretrial detention centers, which are controlled by the Ministry of Interior, often was denied. Prison administrators are hesitant to allow civilians into the maximum security prisons for reasons of personal security. The Kazakhstan International Bureau on Human Rights and Rule of Law (KIBHR) visited men's, women's, and juveniles' prisons during the year. The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, arbitrary detention remained a problem. In October the Government held a seminar on pretrial detention facilities, which included participation from the OSCE and the KIBHR. Law enforcement officials participating in the conference stated that cases of violation of detainees' rights and illegal detentions were common. Law enforcement officials stated that approximately one third of all detainees may have been detained illegally. Unlike in the previous year, there were no
reported cases of the Government using minor infractions of the law
related to unsanctioned assembly to arrest and detain government
opponents. Oleg Okhulkov, a lawyer known to provide legal
assistance to opposition figures, has been held in pretrial detention
since December 18, 2000. Okhulkov was retained by the Rauza company,
which was embroiled in a civil suit for the non-fulfillment of a contract
with a second firm. The second firm appealed to the MVD to get their
money back. The MVD arrested the head of Rauza and Okhulkov for
fraud. The International Bureau on Human Rights and Rule of Law has
appealed the case to the Prosecutor General's Office, stating that this
was a civil rather than criminal case and that pretrial detention was
unconstitutional. The Constitution provides that arrests and
detentions may occur only with the sanction of a court or a prosecutor.
According to the official Russian-language newspaper Kazakhstanskaya
Pravda, the Zhambul Oblast Prosecutor General's Office stated that more
than 3,500 persons were detained by oblast police without cause in the
first quarter of the year. Short (3-hour) and long (72-hour)
detentions for "suspicion" were used widely and many individuals were
detained for identity checks without suspicion of a criminal offense. The law sanctions pretrial detention.
According to the Constitution, police may hold a detainee for 72 hours
before bringing charges. The Criminal Code allows continued
detention for much longer periods with the approval of the General
Prosecutor of the Republic. Lower-ranking prosecutors may approve
interim extensions of detention. In practice police routinely hold
detainees, with the sanction of a prosecutor, for weeks or even months
without bringing charges, and prolonged detention was a serious
problem. The Ministry of Interior administers pretrial
detention centers. Local human rights NGO's generally had access to
pretrial detention facilities; however, there were reports of some
individuals who had difficulty gaining access (see Section 1.c.).
Conditions and treatment in pretrial facilities remained harsh, although
Penal Reform International noted some positive changes in attitude within
the Ministry of Interior. There were more than 4,300 individuals in
pretrial detention centers. Law enforcement officials stated that
267 detainees had been held for more than 2 years awaiting trial. A bail system exists, but it rarely is used.
Individuals generally remain in pretrial detention until their
trial. During the year, government officials stated that 73 persons
were released on bail in the first 8 months of the year, compared with 47
during 2000. According to the Constitution, every person
detained, arrested, or accused of committing a crime has the right to the
assistance of a defense lawyer from the moment of detention, arrest, or
accusation (see Section 1.e.). While this right generally is
respected in practice, human rights monitors alleged that law enforcement
officials have pressured prisoners to use certain attorneys or to refuse
the assistance of an attorney, at times resulting in a delay before the
accused sees a lawyer. Detainees also may appeal the legality of
detention or arrest to the Prosecutor before trial; however, in practice
most persons refrain from making an appeal due to fear of reprisal for
doing so. The Constitution prohibits forced exile, and the
Government does not use it. e. Denial of Fair Public Trial The court system's independence is compromised by
legislative, administrative and constitutional arrangements that in
practice subjugate the judiciary to the executive branch of
government. A presidential decree signed in September 2000 sought to
lessen executive branch control of the judiciary by moving responsibility
for the courts' administrative support from the Justice Ministry to the
Supreme Court; however, the financial change has had no apparent effect on
the court's lack of independence. There are three levels in the court system: Local,
oblast (provincial), and the Supreme Court. Local courts try less
serious crimes, such as petty theft and vandalism. Oblast courts
handle more serious crimes, such as murder, grand theft, and organized
criminal activities. The oblast courts also may handle cases in
rural areas where no local courts are organized. Judgments of the
local courts may be appealed to the oblast-level courts, while those of
the oblast courts may be appealed to the Supreme Court. There is
also a military court. According to the Constitution, the President
proposes to the upper house of Parliament (the Senate) nominees for the
Supreme Court. Specifically nominees are recommended by The Supreme
Judicial Council, which includes the chairperson of the Constitutional
Council, the chairperson of the Supreme Court, the Prosecutor General, the
Minister of Justice, Senators, judges, and other persons appointed by the
President. The President appoints oblast judges (nominated by the Supreme
Judicial Council) and local level judges from a list presented by the
Ministry of Justice. The list is based on recommendations from the
Qualification Collegium of Justice, an institution made up of deputies
from the lower house of Parliament (the Majilis), judges, public
prosecutors, legal experts, and Ministry of Justice officials. The
President appoints the Collegium chairman. Under the law judges are appointed for life,
although in practice this means until mandatory retirement at age
65. Under a 1995 presidential decree, the President may remove
judges, except members of the Supreme Court or chairmen of judicial
collegia, on the recommendation of the Minister of Justice; the Minister's
recommendations must be based on findings by either the Supreme Judicial
Council or the Qualification Collegium of Justice that the judge failed
to, or was no longer capable of, performing his duties. The
President can request, based upon recommendations from the Supreme
Judicial Council, that the Senate remove members of the Supreme Court or
chairmen of judicial collegia, which are judicial councils that judges
serve on at the local, city, oblast, and Supreme Court levels. The Constitution abolished the Constitutional
Court and established a Constitutional Council in 1995. The Council
rules on election and referendum challenges, interprets the Constitution,
and determines the constitutionality of laws adopted by Parliament.
The President directly appoints three of its seven members, including the
chairman, and has the right of veto over Council decisions. The
Council may overturn a presidential veto if at least two-thirds (five) of
its members vote to do so. Therefore, at least one presidential
appointee must vote to overturn the President's veto in order for the
Council to overrule the President. Citizens do not have the right to
appeal to the Council regarding the constitutionality of government
actions, although they were allowed to make such appeals to the former
Constitutional Court. Under the Constitution, only the President,
chairperson of the Senate, chairperson of the Majilis, Prime Minister,
one-fifth of the members of Parliament, or a court of law may appeal to
the Constitutional Council. The Constitution states that a court
shall appeal to the Council if it "finds that a law or other regulatory
legal act subject to application undermined the rights and liberties of an
individual and a citizen." The Constitution and the law establish the
necessary procedures for a fair trial; however, human rights monitors
assert that trials often are not fair in practice. Trials are public
with the exception of instances in which an open hearing could result in
state secrets being divulged, or when the private life or personal family
concerns of a citizen must be protected. If a defendant cannot
afford an attorney, the Constitution states that the Government must
provide one free of charge. Human rights organizations allege that
many prisoners are unaware of this provision of the law. The
Government's reluctance to provide a lawyer is partly attributed to a
shortage of funds to pay court-appointed lawyers to which defendants are
entitled. Some lawyers are reluctant to defend clients unpopular
with the Government. According to the Constitution, defendants have
the right to be present, the right to counsel, and the right to be heard
in court and call witnesses for the defense. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence, are
protected from self-incrimination, and have the right to appeal a decision
to a higher court. Legal proceedings are conducted in the state
language, Kazakh, although Russian also may be used officially in the
courts. Proceedings also may be held in the language of the majority
of the population in a particular area. In most cases, these rights
are respected; cases involving government opponents frequently are
closed. Corruption is evident at every stage and level of
the judicial process. Lawyers and human rights monitors alleged that
judges, prosecutors, and other officials solicit bribes in exchange for
favorable rulings in nearly all criminal cases. Judges are paid
poorly. According to the Minister of Interior, in the first half of
the year the Government disclosed 161 cases of bribery among employees of
the Justice Ministry, financial police, tax police, and customs. In
June the chairman of the Supreme Court revealed that one in four judges
had been disciplined and six judges were indicted for corruption in the
first half of the year. In a June address to the National Congress
of Kazakhstani Judges, President Nazarbayev criticized the judges for
sentencing discrepancies, trial delays, corruption, and lack of
transparency. The Ministries of Justice and Interior have received
additional funding to increase salaries for law enforcement agents and
judges. During the year, judges' salaries were raised from less than
$50 (7,000 tenge) per month to approximately $100 (15,000 tenge) per
month. In July the Government established a judicial ethics
commission to review complaints and appeals by citizens on violations of
judicial ethics. On February 5, a Shymkent Court tried in absentia,
Temirtas Tleulesov, author of a book on official corruption in Shymkent
Oblast ("Skymkent Mafia"), and sentenced him to 2 years in prison for
hooliganism (see Section 2.a.). The charges stem from a December
1999 incident in Turan Alem bank in which Tleulesov was beaten by bank
security personnel. Tleulesov has remained in hiding since the
conviction. On September 6, former prime minister Akezhan
Kazhegeldin was tried, convicted, and sentenced in absentia on
corruption-related charges. While international human rights
organizations and local monitors were not in a position to determine the
veracity of charges against the former prime minister, they stated that
the procedures followed in the case were not in line with international
commitments. On September 7, the OSCE noted in a press release that
"the principle of equal rights of both sides involved may have been
jeopardized because the trial was held in absentia...It was questionable
whether the presumption of innocence was fully observed by mass media and
government structures throughout the process." The case against the
former Prime Minister appeared to consist primarily of the statement of
approximately 80 witnesses, the overwhelming majority of whom were
government officials. In an August 23 press article, a KIBHR
representative said that the "legality of the case is nonsense--when there
are case materials, but no defendant, no simultaneous questioning of
witnesses and defendant, and no objections." On October 4, Nurbulat Masanov was convicted of
insulting the honor and dignity of a member of the Alash Party; the
conviction was based on an audio recording of unknown origin, which
contained an alleged interview with an Itar-Tass correspondent. The
correspondent denied that such an interview had taken place (see Section
1.f.). There were no confirmed reports of political
prisoners. Pyotor Afanasenko, allegedly prosecuted and imprisoned
for political reasons was amnestied under the Presidential decree (see
Section 1.c.). Fellow defendant Satzhan Ibrayev was ineligible for
amnesty based on his conduct during imprisonment. Although it
appeared that there could be a factual basis for the charges against
Afanasenko and Ibrayev, the OSCE and international and domestic human
rights observers charged that government prosecution and sentencing of
them was motivated politically. Some human rights observers also
criticized the authorities for incarcerating Afanasenko and Ibrayev in
ordinary prisons rather than in special institutions created to protect
former members of the security forces from possible retribution by other
prisoners. f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy,
Family, Home, or Correspondence The Constitution prohibits such actions; however,
the Government infringed on these rights. The Constitution provides
that citizens have the right to "confidentiality of personal deposits and
savings, correspondence, telephone conversations, postal, telegraph, and
other messages"; however, the limitation of this right is allowed "in
cases and according to procedures directly established by law." The
KNB and Ministry of Interior, with the concurrence of the Prosecutor
General's Office, interfere with citizens' privacy and
correspondence. The Criminal Procedure Code allows for wiretapping
or recording of telephone calls without a prosecutor's warrant only in
certain urgent cases; in such cases, the Prosecutor shall be notified of
the wiretapping or recording within 24 hours and must determine whether
the wiretap or recording was legal. Some government opponents
reported that the Government monitored their movements and telephone
calls. For example, RNPK activist Nurbulat Masanov claimed in a
public press conference that a tape of unknown origin which contained
comments, for which he was found guilty of slander, was made from wiretaps
placed on his cellular telephone (see Section 1.e.). In the same
press conference, Masanov claimed that his telephone has been wiretapped
for 2 years. Police and the KNB are required to obtain permits
from the court or Prosecutor's Office to conduct searches; however, in
extraordinary cases when the item they are looking for could be lost,
damaged, or used for criminal purposes, they may conduct a search without
a permit. In such cases they must notify the Prosecutor within 24
hours. A central, state-run billing center for
telecommunications services, which opened during 2000, was not successful
in rerouting services through its network during the year. In
practice, the Center receives only monthly statistical information from
telecommunications companies, and does not have access to information on
individual telephone accounts. The Government initially presented the
creation of the center as an attempt to ensure that all telecommunications
traffic was being taxed properly; however, NGO's, opposition figures, and
human rights monitors expressed concern that the Government would use the
center to enhance its ability to monitor telecommunications and control
the availability of information on the Internet. Government
officials denied that this was their intent. Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties,
Including: a. Freedom of Speech and Press The Constitution and the media law provide for
freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were instances when the
Government harassed and monitored independent and opposition media, and as
a consequence many journalists practiced self-censorship. The media law reaffirms the constitutional
provision for free speech and prohibits censorship; however, at times the
Government takes advantage of the law's vague language to place
restrictions on media content. For example, the law prohibits the
mass media from "undermining state security" or advocating "class, social,
race, national, or religious superiority" or "a cult of cruelty and
violence." Under the law, owners, editors, distributors, and
journalists may be held responsible for violations. The law on
national security gives the Prosecutor General the authority to suspend
the activity of news media that undermine national security; however, this
authority has never been invoked. A 1999 state secrets law
established a list of government secrets, the release of which is
proscribed in the Criminal Code. The law defines, for example,
certain foreign policy information as secret if "disclosure of this
information might lead to diplomatic complications for one of the
parties." The list of state secrets enumerated in the law also
includes all information about the health, financial, and private life of
the President and his family. Also defined as state secrets are
basic economic information such as the volumes and scientific
characteristics of national mineral reserves and the amount of government
debt owed to foreign creditors. The law also requires all media to register with
the Government; all print and broadcast media are registered. The
new media law defines Internet sites as media outlets and requires that
they register. Amendments to the media law, passed in March,
strengthened libel laws, limited the rebroadcast of foreign-produced
programming, classified Web sites as mass media, and introduced a
requirement that journalists receive permission prior to taping
interviews. Specifically, the amendments expanded the concept of libel to
make media outlets responsible for the content of reprints or rebroadcast
of foreign information, including international press services. The
amendments require a graduated reduction in rebroadcast of foreign
programming to 20 percent by 2003. In addition, the law requires
state bodies and other government organizations to answer journalists'
requests for information or provide reasons for a refusal within 3
days. Journalists and NGO's charged that the new amendments restrict
free speech and limit access to information. In addition, in April
and June, several NGO participants in an National Democratic Institute
(NDI) and OSCE-supported campaign against media law amendments were
harassed by local law enforcement, prosecutors, finance police, and tax
police. Media laws tend to be enforced selectively.
Some outlets have published or aired commentaries highly critical of the
Government, its policies, or its leaders without consequence, while others
have been brought up on charges based on violation of the media law.
NGO'S and human rights activists maintained that the March conviction of
Temirtas Tleulesov, author of a book alleging involvement of local
authorities in the Shymkent Mafia, on charges of "hooliganism" was an
attempt to quiet the author (see Section 1.e.). The Constitution provides for the protection of
the dignity of the President, and the law prohibits insulting the
President and other officials. Media outlets generally practice
self-censorship regarding information on the President and his family in
order to avoid possible legal problems. Most newspapers did not
present the ongoing story, widely reported in the western press, about
alleged foreign investigations into possible illicit payments by a foreign
businessman to President Nazarbayev and two former Prime Ministers. However, media outlets freely published detailed
reports on allegations against Rakhat Aliyev, the President's son-in-law,
and first deputy chairman of the KNB. Media outlets favorable to
Aliyev claimed that he was conducting an investigation into
corruption. In November Aliyev resigned from his position at the KNB
and subsequently was appointed by President Nazarbayev to the Presidential
Security Service. The Aliyev affair engendered open and in-depth
instance of public criticism of the President's immediate family.
Aliyev has filed libel lawsuits against Internews, The Globe, Novaya
Gazyeta, Yevrasia Website, and Aziopa Website; all suits remained pending
at year's end. A libel provision of the new Media Law, which was
enacted on April 16, holds owners, editors, distributors, and journalists
responsible for content and promotes self-censorship at each level.
At times fines for violating the libel law were exorbitant and bankrupted
small media outlets. Publishing houses, who also are responsible
legally for the information that they publish, were reluctant to publish
publications which might contain "undesirable" stories. While these
actions are not government initiated, they effectively limit the media's
ability to publish strongly critical items. Human rights activists assert that sometimes libel
lawsuits are used to close down opposition media outlets or to silence
opposition figures. On April 3, the Zhetisu District court of Almaty
found Yermurat Bapi, editor-in-chief of SolDat newspaper and a member of
the executive committee of the RNPK, and journalist Karishal Asanov guilty
of libel for two articles printed in SolDat in 2000, which addressed
corruption and the role of President Nazarbayev in the December 1986
student uprisings in Almaty. Bapi was found guilty of insulting the
honor and dignity of the President (a criminal offense) and sentenced to 1
year in prison; however, the conviction fell under the purview of the
general amnesty and Babi did not serve his sentence. Bapi was forced
to pay $275 (40,000 tenge) in court costs and the press run of SolDat in
which the articles appeared was destroyed. Asanov was acquitted of
charges. In May the oblast court denied Bapi's appeal. In June three local officials and a close relative
of a local official sued the editor of Vecherniy Atyrau newspaper and RNPK
party oblast chief for Atyrau, Zhumbai Dospanov, based on four different
articles published in his newspaper. In August the City Court of
Atyrau found Dospanov guilty of publishing derogatory information against
the akim (local governor). Dospanov was ordered to pay $13,300 (2
million tenge) in compensation. He appealed his case to the Supreme
Court; however, at year's end, the Supreme Court had not reached a
verdict. On August 3, the city court of Aktobe found
journalist Oleg Adorov guilty of libel and sentenced him to 180 hours of
community service. The case was the first in which criminal rather
than civil proceedings were brought against a journalist for libel.
The criminal proceedings were instituted after Abay Eschanov, a judge in
the Alga district court, filed a suit stating that he had been insulted in
an article Adorov wrote for Evrika newspaper. The newspaper was
fined $2,000 (300,000 tenge). The extent of government influence over mass media
is not clearly defined. Although the media expressed views that were
independent and occasionally highly critical of the Government, the
Government used its influence to limit the media's content. Many
media outlets considered to be independent are controlled by holding
companies, whose controlling investors are not made public. NGO's
alleged that most large media outlets are controlled by members of the
president's family and close circle of friends through holding
companies. However, according to government statistics, there were
1,431 mass media and information agencies in the country as of August 1,
nearly 80 percent of which were privately owned. In 2000 a total of
37 new television and radio stations were granted licenses. In May journalist Andrey Sviridov published
findings of a poll conducted among journalists, media experts and
representatives of human rights organizations on the media. The
majority of those polled stated that they feel the Kazakhstani media
market is controlled by Dariga Nazarbayeva (the President's daughter),
Rakhat Aliyev (her husband), Timur Kulibayev (another son-in-law of the
President) and other "oligarchs." There were no retaliatory actions
reported against Sviridov for his publication of the poll results. According to government statistics, there are 950
privately owned newspapers and 342 privately owned magazines; however, the
Government runs the newspapers that appear most frequently (5 times a
week) and a number of privately owned media are believed to be controlled
by members of the President's family. Many newspapers which
nominally are independent, particularly Kazakh-language print media,
receive government subsidies. There are a number of newspapers that
are produced by government ministries, for example, the Ministry of
Science publishes Kazakhstan Science. Each major city has at least
one independent weekly newspaper. There are 11 major independent
newspapers in Almaty. The Government took measures to harass two
publications that were affiliated with one of the opposition
parties. In January 2000, a court in Ust-Kamenogorsk ordered the
local HBC-Press newspaper to suspend publication for 3 months. The
court found, and an appeals court subsequently upheld, that the newspaper
had violated the media law by publishing an article calling for the
overthrow of the country's constitutional system. The article in
question contained a public appeal from the leader of a Russian
nationalist group arrested in November 1999 for plotting to overthrow the
local government in Ust-Kamenogorsk. The newspaper had received a
copy of the appeal at a news conference attended by other local
media. The editor of HBC-Press asserted that representatives of the
KNB at the press conference did not warn journalists not to publish the
press release. HBC-Press went out of business without resuming
publication after the court-ordered suspension. On October 6, 6 months
after its last publication, the newspaper SolDat was forced to close due
to its inability to publish, which resulted in a loss of the newspaper's
license. Throughout the year, the newspaper encountered various
problems including currency regulation violations, lack of money for
additional issues, and the refusal of local publishing houses to publish
the July 6 issue dedicated to the President's birthday. The Government continued to be in a strong
position to influence most printing and distribution facilities and to
subsidize periodicals, including many that supposedly were
independent. In addition, many publishing houses are government
owned. Some journalists have alleged that the KNB or tax police
threaten publishing houses if they print opposition media; concern over
criminal or civil proceedings has influenced publishing houses. In
April Yermurat Bapi, editor-in-chief of the independent newspaper SolDat
and member of the executive committee of the opposition RNPK party,
alleged that the his newspaper was forced to cease publication for 8
months because all local publishing houses had refused to print the
newspaper. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of tax
police seizing newspapers from printing houses during investigations. The Government controls nearly all broadcast
transmission facilities. There are 45 independent television and
radio stations (17 television stations, 15 radio stations, and 13 combined
television and radio stations). Of these, 11 are in Almaty.
There are only two government-owned, combined radio and television
companies; however, they represent five channels and are the only stations
that can broadcast nationwide. Regional governments own several
frequencies; however, independent broadcasters have arranged with local
administrations to use the majority of these. An organization of
electronic media, the Association of Independent Electronic Media of
Central Asia (ANESMI), exists, but it is divided and weak. In August
the Khabar agency, managed by Dariga Nazarbayeva, took over control of the
state-share in the national television and radio station. In October members of parliament, led by Majilis
Deputy Tolen Tokhtasynov, spoke out about what they called "monopolization
in the media market." According to Tokhtasynov, first deputy
chairman of the KNB, Rakhat Aliyev, effectively controls, or actually
owns, the country's largest media holding company. The holding
company allegedly includes KTK, NTK, and ORT television channels; Yevropa
Plyus, Hit FM-Khabar, Russkoye radio, and Radio Retro-Karavan radio
stations; and Novoye Pokoleniye and Karavan newspapers. Television
station KTK immediately refuted Tokhtasynov's allegation that the station
is controlled by Aliyev, stating that Aliyev is not a shareholder,
co-owner, owner, or member of the board of directors of the station. The law restricts alcohol and tobacco advertising
on television. The 1999 media law prohibited violence and all
"pornography" from television broadcasts. On November 27, the President urged private
domestic media to create a code of ethics. The President referred to
what he called "a war" between oligarchs in the media and stated that he
would apply "draconian" measures against the private media through
Parliament if the situation continued. In February television journalist and commentator
Gulzhan Yergaliyeva and her family were beaten during an attempted robbery
(see Section 1.c.). Yergaliyeva and other journalists asserted that
the beating was a warning that Yergaliyeva's television program "Social
Agreement" had become too critical of government policies. The new media law defines Kazakhstan-based Web
sites as a media outlet. Human rights monitors maintained that this
provision of the media law may lead to government restrictions on Web site
content. Clients of the two largest Internet providers, Kaztelecom
and Nursat, periodically were blocked from direct access to the opposition
Evrasia Web site, although access was still available through proxy
servers. In September human rights monitors alleged that Kaztelecom
and Nursat users were unwittingly viewing a "mirror site" of the
opposition Cvrasia page. On the "mirror site" users view a page that
mimics the original, but without material highly critical of the
Government. The opposition Website Aziopa was blocked by both
Internet providers at the time of publication. Academic freedom is generally respected; however,
as is the case for journalists, academics cannot violate certain
restrictions, such as criticizing the President and his family. In
March a part-time professor who was on sabbatical from Karaganda State
University to participate in a lobbying campaign against amendments to the
media law, was asked to resign after the Karaganda prosecutor's office
ordered an investigation of her NGO. According to the activist, the
Prosecutor's office questioned her extensively about the source of her
funding, which was the NDI. No charges were brought against the
NGO. Course topics and content generally are subject to approval by
university administrations. There were reports that university students in
private, as well as in state universities, sometimes had to pay bribes for
admission and to get good grades. b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and
Association The Constitution provides for peaceful assembly;
however, the Government and the law impose significant restrictions on
this right. The law on national security defines as a threat to
national security "unsanctioned gatherings, public meetings, marches,
demonstrations, illegal picketing, and strikes" that upset social and
political stability. Under the law, organizations must apply to the
local authorities for a permit to hold a demonstration or public meeting
at least 10 days in advance, or the activity is considered illegal.
In some cases, local officials routinely issued necessary permits;
however, opposition and human rights monitors complained that complicated
procedures and the 10-day notification period made it difficult for all
groups to organize public meetings and demonstrations. They also
reported that local authorities, especially those outside the largest
city, Almaty, turned down most applications for demonstrations in central
locations. During the year, certain religious groups repeatedly were
denied permits for conventions or large public gatherings (see Section
2.c.). Peaceful political demonstrations at the
parliament building, the presidential administration building, and foreign
embassies were permitted during the year. Unlike the previous year,
no demonstrators were detained and for the most part, law enforcement
authorities did not interfere in the demonstrations or take action against
the individuals who participated; however, there were some
exceptions. Organizers of unsanctioned gatherings, including
religious gatherings, frequently were fined (see Section 2.c.). On September 25, women from the Baidibek district
of South Kazakhstan Oblast held a protest outside of the parliament
building in Astana to demand the payment of overdue family allowances
dating back to 1997; they had threatened to commit collective suicide if
those allowances were not paid. The Constitution provides for freedom of
association; however, the Government and the law impose significant
restrictions on this right. Organizations that conduct public
activities, hold public meetings, participate in conferences, or have bank
accounts must be registered with the Government. "Membership
organizations," such as churches, religious groups, or political parties,
must register in each of the 14 provinces where they have active members,
whereas "nonmembership organizations," such as NGO's, must register only
at the national level. Registration at the local level requires a
minimum of 10 members and on the national level, a minimum of 10 members
in at least 7 of the 14 oblasts. In addition, a registration fee of
$135 (19,845 tenge) is required. Most organizations must hire
lawyers or other consultants to expedite their registrations through the
bureaucracy, which increases the registration cost by approximately $200
(29,400 tenge). Some groups consider these costs to be a deterrent
to registration. According to government regulations, registration
is supposed to be granted within 15 days; however, according to local
NGO's, registration often takes 1 month to a year because the Government
may return applications for additional information or require
investigations into certain portions of the application. There have
been numerous cases of the activities of religious groups being suspended
pending registration (see Section 2.c.). The Constitution prohibits political parties
established on a religious basis. The Government also has refused to
register ethnically based political parties on the grounds that their
activities could spark ethnic violence; however, the small Kazakh ethnic
nationalist "Alash" Party was registered for the 1999 parliamentary
elections. In February the Government refused registration to a
newly established ethnic-Russian party; the propresidential Civic Party
stated that the creation of an ethnic-Russian party would have "an adverse
effect on interethnic stability." The Constitution bans "public
associations"--including political parties--whose "goals or actions are
directed at a violent change of the Constitutional system, violation of
the integrity of the republic, undermining of the security of the state
(and), fanning of social, racial, national, religious, class, and tribal
enmity." All of the major religious and ethnic groups have
independently functioning cultural centers. To participate in elections, a political party
must register with the Government. The Government has registered a
total of 7 new parties in addition to the 10 registered that participated
in the 1999 parliamentary elections. At least three parties
registered in 1999 were viewed widely as opponents of President
Nazarbayev. Under the law, a party must submit a list of at least
3,000 members from a minimum of 9 oblasts (the cities of Almaty and Astana
count as oblast-equivalents in addition to the 14 oblasts for this
purpose). The list must provide personal information about members,
including date and place of birth, address, and place of employment.
For many citizens, the requirement to submit such personal data to the
Government inhibits them from joining political parties. Membership in political parties or trade unions is
forbidden to members of the armed forces, employees of national security
and law enforcement organizations, and judges. The Constitution prohibits foreign political
parties and foreign trade unions from operating. In addition the
Constitution prohibits the financing of political parties and trade unions
by foreign legal entities and citizens, foreign states, and international
organizations (see Section 6.a.). c. Freedom of Religion The Constitution provides for freedom of religion,
and the various religious communities worship largely without government
interference; however, the Government's concerns about regional security
threats from alleged religious extremists led it to encourage local
officials to limit the practice of religion by some nontraditional groups.
The Constitution defines the country as a secular
state. The Government invited the national leaders of the two
largest religions, Islam and Russian Orthodoxy, to participate jointly in
state events. Some members of other faiths, including Muslims not
affiliated with the national Muslim organization headed by the Mufti (the
national leader of Islam), criticized the Government's inclusion of the
Mufti and archbishop in state events as official favoritism and a
violation of the Constitutional separation of church and state; however,
leaders of other faiths participated in some events, especially in Almaty.
Religious organizations, including churches, must
register with the Ministry of Justice in order to receive legal status
(see Section 2.b.). Without registration, religious organizations cannot
buy or rent real property, hire employees, obtain visas for foreign
missionaries, or engage in any other legal transactions. Registration
requires an application submitted by at least 10 persons and it is usually
a quick and simple process; however, some religious groups have
encountered difficulties registering in certain jurisdictions. These
groups include Jehovah's Witnesses and some Protestant groups, as well as
Muslim groups independent of the Mufti. At year's end, three
Protestant groups in different cities had experienced delays of up
to 10 months in obtaining approval of their registration
applications. One group of Jehovah's Witnesses in Petropavlovsk has
attempted to register five times. They received four rejections and
by year's end had not received a decision on their September 2000
application. One human rights monitor asserted that the Government
typically claims that religious groups' charters do not meet the
requirements of the law. For example, the law does not allow
religious groups to engage in educating children without approval from the
Ministry of Education, and many religions include education in their
charters. Local officials generally insisted that religious
organizations register and in several instances, disrupted services by
unregistered groups, which were required to suspend activities until they
were registered. The National Law on Religion states that religious
organizations are entitled to carry out activities without registration;
however, an administrative code, which entered into force in February,
allows local and national authorities to suspend the activities of any
unregistered organization, including religious organizations. Local
KNB officials disrupted some meetings in private homes of unregistered
groups of Jehovah's Witnesses, Protestants, Adventists, Baptists, and
other nontraditional groups throughout the country. The Procurator General of the Republic and the
Interior Minister have called for prohibiting the activities of
unregistered religious organizations. In March the Kyzl-Orda city
court suspended activities of the local Jehovah's witness congregation for
lack of registration and fined two members of the group $50 each.
The congregation did not have the required 10 adult members to register;
however, the national Jehovah's Witness organization was registered and
the congregation in Kyzl-Orda was registered on July 2. A Kyzl-Orda
Oblast court upheld the suspension of April 9. In May a local
prosecutor in Kulsary ordered the Iman (Love) Baptist church to suspend
its activities until it registered; church representatives say the group
lacks the minimum 10 adult members willing and eligible to sponsor the
registration application. The church appealed; however, on May 6, an
Atrau regional prosecutor upheld the order. According to a press
report, the unregistered New Life Pentecostal Church in Kulsary, led by
Pastor Taraz Somalyak, was also forbidden during the first half of the
year from having further meetings until it registered. In May the city court in Taraz rejected an appeal
by the city prosecutor to revoke the registration and suspend the
activities of one of the Taraz Jehovah's Witnesses congregations.
The prosecutor's appeal, aimed at only one of the seven area
congregations, alleged that Jehovah's Witnesses had violated the
constitution by such actions as calling on members to refuse to perform
military service or honor national symbols. In October a court sentenced a Kyzyl-Orda Baptist
Church pastor Valery Pak to 5 days in prison for failing to uphold a April
1 court order, which suspended the church's activities until it was
registered. In an unconfirmed report, the Keston Institute alleged
that Asulbek Nurdanov, a member of the same congregation, was beaten and
threatened by local police on October 27. Following a second session
of police questioning in early November, Nurdanov allegedly was committed
to a psychiatric hospital for 4 days at the request of his father.
The Baptist congregation belongs to the Council of Churches of Evangelical
Christians/Baptists, which has a policy of not seeking or accepting
registration in former Soviet countries. Government officials frequently expressed concerns
about the potential spread of religious extremism from Afghanistan and
other states. The KNB has characterized the fight against "religious
extremism" as a top priority of the internal intelligence
service. In February, as part of its campaign to prevent
the development of religious extremism, the Government sent to Parliament
a draft series of amendments to the National Religion Law that would have
placed restrictions on religious freedom; however, the Government withdrew
the draft amendments on June 27. On November 15, it reintroduced
draft amendments, which include a ban on "extremist religious
associations," increase the membership required for registration, require
the approval of the national Muslim organization for the registration of
Muslim groups, and require that foreign religious organizations be
affiliated with a nationally registered organization. The Government
cited national security concerns as the reason for the reintroduction of
the draft amendments; however, religious freedom organizations alleged
that many small or nontraditional religious groups which pose no security
threat will suffer as a result. Local NGO's and the OSCE were able
to comment and make recommendations on the first five drafts of the law,
which helped reduce some of the restrictive measures proposed. Other
problems in the draft amendments include vague definitions such as
"reactionary fundamentalism" and "religious sects", and administrative
discretion in determining which groups are "religious" extremists. Law enforcement authorities conducted inspections
of religious groups throughout the country, in order, they asserted, to
prevent the development of religious extremism and to ensure that
religious groups pay taxes. These inspections also provided the
authorities with information about the registration status of the
religious groups being inspected, which in some cases led to suspensions
pending the registration of the groups concerned. President Nazarbayev expressed the Government's
tendency towards greater wariness of religion in remarks he made on
January 30, to an assembly of regional and local executive authorities
known as akims. President Nazarbayev asked "What are akims
for? Is it really difficult for you to use your powers to monitor
the legality of the activities of (religious groups)--closing them, if
necessary? It has become fashionable to build mosques, churches, and
prayer houses willy-nilly on land set aside by akims, but nobody is asking
whether the mosques and churches are needed." Representatives of Jehovah's Witnesses alleged
continuing incidents of harassment by a number of local governments.
They claimed that city officials in Astana, Almaty, Ust-Kamenogorsk,
Kostanay, Karaganda, Aktubinsk, and Shymkent sometimes blocked the group
from renting stadiums or other large public or private sites for religious
meetings. The National Jehovah's Witness Religious Center reported
that 20 legal cases were brought against their followers during the
year. Of these 3 were civil cases and the remaining 17 were
administrative--mainly infractions of the 1999 Administrative Code, which
requires registration of organizations. In July a local congress of
Jehovah's Witnesses in Semipalatinsk was visited by the Department of
Internal Affairs and the akim's office. When the authorities
arrived, the landlord told the participants they had to leave and hold the
congress at another location. The KNB called participants in the
congress into their offices and copies were made of their documents. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports
of the prolonged detention of members of religious organizations for
proselytizing. On occasion the authorities took action against
groups engaged in proselytizing; however, these activities were limited to
the confiscation of religious literature. Foreign missionary activity is authorized under
law, but only when missionaries are accredited by the State. The
Constitution also requires foreign religious associations to carry out
their activities, including the appointment of the heads of religious
associations, "in coordination with appropriate state institutions."
In practice many missionaries operate without accreditation.
Although legally entitled to register religious organizations, foreign
missionaries generally find that to be registered they must list a
majority of local citizens among the 10 founders of the religious
organization. Some foreign missionaries, whose presence is unwelcome
to some Muslim and Orthodox citizens, have complained of occasional
harassment by junior government officials. In particular evangelical
Protestants working in schools, hospitals, and other social service
institutions have alleged government hostility toward their efforts to
proselytize (these individuals often do not register as missionaries, as
required by law.). Foreign missionaries have encountered some visa
problems. On April 9, three foreign teachers of English were
charged under Administrative Code sections that regulate the hiring of
foreign workers and proscribe violations by foreigners of their stated
purpose in country. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs alleged that the
teachers, "under the guise of educational activity," had been distributing
religious materials, assisting religious groups, and "illegally
participating in religious rites." On April 10, the three tried to
depart the country voluntarily, but were prevented from departing by
airport border police because of the pending charges against them.
They said that they were not notified of formal charges against them
before they tried to depart. On April 16, a court in Aktau found
them guilty of conducting "missionary" activities in violation of their
visa status and fined them $230 (33,000 tenge) and ordered them expelled
from the country; the teachers were expelled on April 24. The Law on Education forbids the activities of
educational institutions, including religious schools, that have not been
registered by the Ministry of Education. Although no religious
schools are known to be registered, the Government apparently took no
action against unregistered religious schools pending full implementation
of the law. During the year, the Protestant seminary, which was
closed in December 2000, and which allegedly was harassed for illegal
business activities, was reopened. In December 2000, First Deputy
Minister of Education Erlan Aryn sent a letter to all regional education
departments rescinding an earlier ban on visits to schools by religious
figures, humanitarian and other aid from religious organizations, and the
rental of facilities to religious groups; however, Protestant groups
reported that some schools had not implemented the new policy. In
response to a 2000 request by the Ministry of Justice, the Jehovah's
Witnesses amended their charter to eliminate education as a religious
activity. In September the Jewish community opened a new
synagogue in Pavlodar on land donated by the mayor of the city.
Discussions were underway at year's end to find a location for a new
synagogue in Astana. According to the Chief Rabbi, the Government
allowed the community to place menorahs in front of government buildings
during the year in Astana, Almaty, and Pavlodar. President Nazarbayev supported a September visit
by the Pope, which included meetings with the Government, diplomatic
corps, leading clerics, and academia. The Pope celebrated an outdoor
Mass to a crowd of 50,000, which was aired on national television and
radio channels. d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation The Constitution provides the right to those who
are legally present in the country to move freely on its territory and
freely choose a place of residence except in cases stipulated by law;
however, in practice citizens are required to register in order to prove
legal residence and obtain city services. Registration in most of
the country generally was routine, but it was difficult to register in
Almaty and Astana due to their relative affluence and local officials'
fears of overcrowding. The Government may refuse to register a
citizen in order to limit the number of persons who can move to a certain
city or area. During the year, many individuals were detained for
identity checks without suspicion of a criminal offense (see Section
1.d.). On July 26, the Government formally abolished the
exit visa requirement for temporary travel of citizens. Although
exit visas no longer are required, there remain certain instances in which
exit from the country may be denied, including if there are pending
criminal or civil legal proceedings, unsaved prison sentences, evasion of
duty as determined by a court of law, presentation of false documentation
during the exit process, and travel by active-duty military. The law
on national security requires that persons who had access to state secrets
obtain permission from their employing government agency for temporary
exit from the country. A permanent exit visa still is required for
emigrants. A permanent exit visa for intending emigrants requires
criminal checks, documents from every creditor stating that the applicant
has no outstanding debts, and letters from any close relatives with a
claim to support giving their concurrence to the exit visa. On July 15, despite the receipt of exit visas, the
authorities denied RNPK representatives Amirzhan Kosanov and Yermurat Bapi
passage through passport control and confiscated their passports; the two
were attempting to travel to attend a U.S. Congress House of International
Relations Committee hearing. The two opposition members claimed that
airport authorities told them they were not allowed to leave "by order of
the KNB leadership." Government authorities claimed the denial was a
mistake, apologized to the two activists and returned their passports the
next day; the activists did not attempt to reinitiate their travel. In February the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
approved regulations making it mandatory for any citizen abroad to
register with the Kazakhstani diplomatic mission in that country, even if
they intend to visit only for a few days. According to the
Government, the regulation empowers Embassies to order citizens who are
liable for military service to return to the country in the event of a
military emergency; there were no reports during the year of individuals
who were forced to return under this regulation. The Constitution provides for the right to
emigrate and the right of repatriation, and these rights generally are
respected in practice; however, the Law on National Security prohibits
persons who had access to state secrets from taking up permanent residence
abroad for 5 years after leaving government service. Citizens have
the right to change their citizenship, but are not permitted to hold dual
citizenship. Foreigners must have exit visas, although they
receive them routinely as part of their entry visa. Foreigners who
overstay their original visas, or who did not receive exit visas as part
of their original visas, must get exit visas from the immigration
authorities before leaving. Foreign visitors are required to
register, depending on their circumstances, either with the immigration
officials who admit them at the airport or with the local Office of Visas
and Registration (OVIR). In June the Government simplified foreign
citizens' visa registration by establishing an OVIR office at the Almaty
and Astana international airports. Foreigners no longer are required
to register in every city they visit; one registration with OVIR is
sufficient for travel throughout the country. Immigration
authorities occasionally fined or refused to allow foreigners without
proof of registration to leave the country (see Section 2.c.). Foreigners are required to obtain prior permission
to travel to some border areas with China and cities in close proximity to
military installations. During the year, the Government declared the
following areas closed to foreigners due to their proximity to military
bases and the space launch center: Gvardeyskiy village, Rossavel village,
and Kulzhabashy railway station in Zhambyl Oblast; Bokeyorda and Zhangaly
districts in Western Kazakhstan Oblast; the town of Priozersk and Gulshad
village in Karaganda Oblast; and Baykonur, Karmakshy, and Kazakly
districts in Kyzylorda oblast. The Government accords special treatment to ethnic
Kazakhs and their families who fled during Stalin's era and wish to
return. Kazakhs in this category are entitled in principle to citizenship
and many other privileges; however, due to a lack of financial resources
in the budget, many returnees were not paid the benefits for which they
were eligible. Other persons, including ethnic Kazakhs who are not
considered refugees from the Stalin era, such as the descendants of
Kazakhs who moved to Mongolia during the previous century, must apply for
permission to return. However, it is the stated policy of the
Government to encourage and assist all ethnic Kazakhs living outside the
country to return. Since independence approximately 190,000 ethnic
Kazakhs, mostly from other former Soviet Union countries, Iran,
Afghanistan, Mongolia, Turkey, China, and Saudi Arabia have
immigrated. The Government struggled to find resources for
integration programs for these immigrants, some of whom lived in squalid
settings. Ethnic Kazakh migrants are automatically eligible
for citizenship. The Government has made significant progress in
granting citizenship to those ethnic Kazakhs who returned prior to
2000. NGO's estimated that 50 to 75 percent of ethnic returnees have
been granted citizenship. During the year, the Government introduced
a system of quotas for returning Kazakh migrants--a total of 600 families
was set for the year. The Government helped provide the 600 families
with housing, stipends, and other benefits; however, during the summer,
more then 10,000 additional Kazakh migrants returned to the Southern
Kazakhstan Oblast; they did not receive benefits. In 1999 the Government ratified the 1951 U.N.
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol;
however, the Government had not passed implementing legislation in
accordance with the Refugee Convention by year's end. The absence of
implementing legislation left unclear many aspects of the status of
refugees, such as whether they have a right to work. Following the
passage of a 1997 migration law and the creation of the Agency for
Migration and Demography, the Government began in 1998 to register asylum
seekers and to determine their status in consultation with the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The Government generally
cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in
assisting refugees. The Government allowed the UNHCR access to
detained foreigners. Migrants from former Soviet Union countries are
not considered to be refugees because they may travel and settle freely in
any CIS country. The Government has not allowed refugees without
passports to register and has restricted registration largely to refugees
from Afghanistan. All non-CIS citizens are considered to be
intending immigrants. However, in practice the Government is
tolerant in its treatment of local refugee populations. The Agency for Migration integrates the UNHCR and
a local NGO, Kazakhstan Refugee Legal Support, into the process of
reviewing refugee claims; however, the limited resources of the agency
impeded the processing of many cases. The Government provides first
asylum for certain categories of refugees, including certain categories of
Afghan refugees. Only the President can grant political asylum and
he is known to have done so only once since independence in 1991.
Non-political asylum claims are processed only in Almaty, which is as far
as 2,000 miles from other major cities. By September the Government
had registered 1,211 asylum seekers and accorded refugee status to
approximately two-thirds of them. The UNHCR estimated that there
were approximately 20,000 refugees in the country (at least 12,000
Chechens from Russia, approximately 5,000 persons from Tajikistan, 2,500
from Afghanistan, and 500 from other countries). During the year,
there was a large influx of Chechens fleeing the conflict with the central
authorities in Russia. Consistent with the Minsk Convention on
Migration within the CIS, the Government did not formally recognize
Chechens as refugees; however, the Government, in cooperation with the
UNHCR and Chechen organizations, did grant indefinite legal resident
status to Chechens until they could return home to safe conditions.
Chechens in the village of Krasnaya Polyanka reported that they were
denied resident registration, which limits their ability to travel outside
their village and seek employment or education (see Section 5). Agreements with the Government of Russia that
established broad legal rights for the citizens of one country living on
the territory of the other and provided for expeditious naturalization for
citizens of one country who moved to the other entered into force in
1999. This agreement has not been applied widely to the resident
Chechen population. Kazakhstan and China agreed in December 1999 not
to tolerate the presence of ethnic separatists from one country on the
territory of the other. Human rights monitors were concerned with
the impact of this agreement on Uighurs from China present in
Kazakhstan. The Government did not consider any asylum claims from
Uighurs; it was unclear whether any Uighurs applied. In general the
Government was tolerant toward the Chinese Uighur population. There
were no known cases of the Government returning Uighurs to China since
February 1999, when the Government returned three Uighurs. The
Chinese authorities had accused the three of murdering a policeman;
Amnesty International reported evidence that at least one was wanted for
"separatist" activities. Some reports indicate that the three men
subsequently were executed upon return to China, but this information has
not been confirmed. There were no reports of the forced return of
persons to a country where they feared persecution. However,
representatives of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and
the KIBHR noted a rise in the frequency of deportations without a court
ruling during the year. On June 29, the authorities expelled 93
citizens from Tajikistan who stayed longer than the maximum three days
transit in the country on their way to Russia. Since the beginning
of the year, 240 citizens from the former Soviet Union have been deported
from the country. In late September, approximately 700 migrant
traders with Kyrgyz citizenship were unlawfully deported. Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right
of Citizens to Change Their Government The Constitution provides for a democratic
government with universal suffrage for those over 18 years of age;
however, in practice the Government severely limited the right of citizens
to change their government. The Constitution concentrates power in
the presidency, granting the President considerable control over the
legislature, judiciary, and local government. The President appoints
and dismisses the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. His appointment of
the Prime Minister, but not of cabinet members, is subject to
parliamentary consent. He has the power to dismiss Parliament.
He appoints judges, senior court officials, and all regional
governors. The President directly appoints the chairman and members
of the Central Elections Commission (CEC), who oversee presidential and
parliamentary elections. Modifying or amending the Constitution is
nearly impossible without the consent of the president. President Nazarbayev was elected to a 7-year term
in a 1999 election that was held nearly 2 years earlier than previously
scheduled and that fell far short of international standards. In October 1999, the President and the Parliament
passed, without any prior public notice, a series of 19 constitutional
amendments that enabled them to call early presidential elections.
Among other changes, the constitutional amendments extended the
presidential term of office from 5 to 7 years and removed the 65-year age
limit on government service (The President will be 65 years of age
before the end of his 7-year presidential term.). Government
opponents and international observers criticized the short-notice call of
early elections because it did not leave enough time for the Government to
implement promised electoral reforms and for intending candidates to
organize effective campaigns. The Government imposed onerous requirements on
candidates seeking to qualify for the 1999 presidential ballot.
Candidates were required to submit petitions with 170,000 signatures, to
pass a Kazakh-language test, and to make a nonrefundable payment of
approximately $30,000 (2.4 million Tenge). In October 1998, less
than 1 week after the early presidential election was called, the
Government resorted to a provision of the presidential decree on
elections, passed in May 1998, that prohibited persons convicted of
administrative offenses from running for public office within a year of
their conviction. Five opposition leaders, including former Prime
Minister Kazhegeldin, were then summoned and tried for participating in a
nonregistered organization. A sixth was disqualified for a previous
conviction. The Supreme Court upheld the disqualification.
In 1998 the OSCE Office for Democratic
Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) announced that it would not meet the
Government's request to send a presidential election observation
mission. In its public explanation, the ODIHR cited concerns about
the exclusion of two opposition candidates, unequal access to the media,
and coerced support for President Nazarbayev. The ODIHR sent a small
election assessment team to report to the OSCE on the full election
process, which concluded that the presidential election fell "far short"
of the country's commitments as an OSCE participating state. It
cited in particular the exclusion of candidates, the short duration of the
election campaign, obstacles to free assembly and association, the use of
government resources to support President Nazarbayev's campaign, unequal
access to the media, and the flawed presidential decree that served as the
election law. A newly elected bicameral legislature took office
in December 1999. Although in many ways an improvement over the
presidential election, parliamentary elections held in 1999 were marred by
election law deficiencies, executive branch interference in the electoral
process, and a lack of government openness regarding vote
tabulations. There was convincing evidence of government
manipulation of results in some cases. The OSCE mission sent to
observe the elections concluded that the elections were "a tentative step"
toward democracy but "fell short of (Kazakhstan's) OSCE
commitments." The lower house (Majilis), consisting of 77
members, was elected directly in October 1999. Under amendments to
the Constitution passed in 1998, membership in the Majilis elected in 1999
included 10 new seats assigned proportionally to political parties based
on the percentage of votes they received nationally (with a minimum vote
threshold of 7 percent). The other 67 seats were attributed by
single mandate districts. The upper house (the Senate) consists of
39 members, 32 of whom are elected directly by members of oblast and city
parliaments; the President appoints the remaining 7 senators.
Elections were held in September 1999 for 16 Senate seats. The
election law requires candidates for both houses to meet minimum age and
education requirements and to pay a nonrefundable registration fee of 25
times the minimum monthly wage of $500 (approximately 70,000 tenge).
This fee represented a 75 percent decrease over previous registration
fees, which opposition figures, human rights monitors, and the OSCE/ODIHR
had considered a barrier to participation. The law does not require
Majilis candidates to collect a certain number of signatures in order to
be placed on the ballot; however, Senate candidates must obtain signatures
from 10 percent of the members of the local assemblies in their oblasts in
order to be placed on the ballot. Political parties wishing to
compete for the 10 proportionally allocated seats in the Majilis must be
registered by the CEC and regional electoral commissions in two-thirds of
the principal administrative jurisdictions (the 14 oblasts, plus the
former and new capital cities, Almaty and Astana). The 1999
Constitutional amendments also extended the terms of members of Parliament
from 4 to 5 years for the Majilis and from 4 to 6 years for the
Senate. The introduction of 10 new seats for the 1999
parliamentary elections in the Majilis distributed by party-list vote
enhanced the role of political parties, which, with the exception of the
Communist Party, were previously very weak. The Communist Party and
three propresidential parties--Otan (Fatherland), the Civic Party, and the
Agrarian Party--shared the 10 new party-list seats in the 1999
parliamentary election. No candidate nominated by a non-Communist
opposition party won a seat in the Parliament. One member of the
opposition RNPK won a seat after running as an independent
candidate. The RNPK withdrew its party-list slate after two of its
candidates, Akezhan Kazhegeldin and Madel Ismailov, were declared
ineligible (they were the only 2 candidates rejected of more than 600
applicants for Majilis contests). Of the more than 600 other
candidates, approximately half ran as independents. The legislature exercises little oversight over
the executive branch, although it has the constitutional authority to
remove government ministers and to hold a no-confidence vote in the
Government. During the year, the legislature exercised its authority
over proposed legislation by sending it back to the executive
branch. Although Parliament must approve the overall state budget,
the Constitution precludes Parliament from increasing state spending or
decreasing state revenues without executive branch approval. Nearly all
laws passed by Parliament originate in the executive branch. The
executive branch controls the budget for Parliament's operations; it has
not provided funds for Members of Parliament to hire staff, a situation
generally viewed as decreasing Parliament's effectiveness. The executive
branch blocked legislation on establishing Parliamentary staff, which
Parliament passed on October 18; the law was found unconstitutional
because Parliament may not make additions to the state budget.
Should Parliament fail to consider within 30 days a bill designated as
"urgent" by the President, the President may issue the bill by
decree. Although the President has never resorted to this authority,
it gives him additional leverage with Parliament. While the
President has broad powers to dissolve Parliament, Parliament can remove
the President only for disability or high treason, and only with the
consent of the Constitutional Council, which is appointed by the President
(see Section 1.e.). Many activities of Parliament remained outside
public view. In June 1999, Parliament banned the press and other
outsiders from observing the vote of confidence in the Government.
Final totals in the parliamentary vote of confidence were made public, but
not the votes of individual members. However, during the year, the
Parliament continued to become more open by publishing important draft
laws and for the first time, publishing its voting record on the national
media law (see Section 2.a.). In addition, M.P.'s were more open to
meeting with interest groups and listening to their views on draft
legislation. In February 2000, a team of OSCE representatives
visited Astana to discuss the final OSCE report on the parliamentary
elections; government officials agreed during the visit to an OSCE
proposal for a series of roundtable discussions of the electoral reforms
recommended in the report. The agreement called for broad
participation in the discussions, including by representatives of the
Government, all registered political parties, other political movements,
and NGO's. In September 2000, the first of four planned sessions
took place. Participants agreed to a future work plan with the
inclusion of the OSCE and all political parties registered in 1999 in a
parallel government working group on electoral reform. On January
25, three political opposition parties (Azamat, People's National
Congress, and RNPK) withdrew from the process, stating that the Government
was not responsive to their suggestions. The final meeting of the
working group was rescheduled from September to January 2002. In
October, prior to the final meeting and report of the working group, an
OTAN party draft of the new law on elections was submitted to
Parliament. At the urging of the OSCE and diplomatic community, the
Parliament agreed to remove the reading of the draft from the agenda until
after the final meeting and report of the working group. According to the Constitution, the President
selects Governors of oblasts (the "akims"), based on the recommendation of
the Prime Minister; they serve at the discretion of the President, who may
annul their decisions. On October 20, experimental local district
akim elections were held, representing the first tentative movement away
from Presidential appointment of local district akims. In each of
the 14 oblasts, elections were held to fill 2 local akim positions; the
positions to be elected were chosen by the oblast administration.
The local akims were elected by secret ballot by a group of
"electors." These electors were chosen by local residents through a
public "show of hands" vote. The OSCE noted that a number of legal
provisions regarding the election did not meet international standards; in
particular, the OSCE stated that the procedure violated international
standards which require a secret ballot and did not provide transparency
while counting and registering election results. On November 18, six senior government leaders, six
members of parliament and several businessmen founded a major new
nongovernmental political movement, the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan
(DVK). Several days after the DVK's founding, the six senior
government officials were fired at the request of the Prime
Minister. On December 19, parliamentary deputy Bulat Abilov was
expelled from his party slate seat in parliament after leaving a
propresidential party to join the DVK. Despite the firings,
President Nazarbayev met with DVK representatives, endorsed their goals of
more political and economic reform, and said that he hoped to see some of
them in future governments. The percentage of women in government and politics
does not correspond to their percentage of the population. There are
no legal restrictions on the participation of women and minorities in
politics; however, the persistence of traditional attitudes means that few
women hold high office or play active parts in political life. At
the end of the year, no women held ministerial portfolios, although one
had ministerial rank and three deputy ministers are female. There
were no female provincial governors (akims). Of 39 Senate members, 5
are female; of 77 Majilis members, 8 are female. The percentage of minorities in senior government
positions does not correspond to their percentage of the population.
Although minority ethnic groups are represented in the Government, ethnic
Kazakhs hold the majority of leadership positions. Nearly half the
population are non-Kazakhs according to the national census completed in
1999. Non-Kazakhs hold 1 of 3 positions as vice premier and head 2
of 14 government ministries and the national bank. Non-Kazakhs are
underrepresented in the Majilis and the Senate. In Parliament 7
senators are non-Kazakhs, and 19 members of the Majilis are
non-Kazakhs. Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding
International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of
Human Rights A number of domestic and international human
rights groups in general operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases;
however, some human rights observers reported that the Government
monitored their movements and telephone calls (see Section 1.f.). In
addition in April and June, several NGO participants in an NDI-and
OSCE-supported campaign against media law amendments were harassed by
local law enforcement, prosecutors, finance police, and tax police (see
Section 2.a.). The Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human
Rights and Rule of Law (formerly the Kazakhstan-American Bureau on Human
Rights) and the Almaty Helsinki Commission are the most active of a small
number of local nongovernmental human rights organizations. They
cooperate with each other on human rights and legal reform issues.
Although these groups operated largely without government interference,
limited financial means hampered their ability to monitor and report human
rights violations. Some human rights observers periodically have received
threatening or harassing telephone calls; however, the source of these
calls is unknown. In general the Government showed greater
willingness to focus on abuses highlighted by human rights monitors and
individual citizens in the criminal justice system and to investigate
allegations of corruption; however, the Government tended to deny or
ignore charges of specific human rights abuses that were levied by both
international and domestic human rights monitors and individual
citizens. The Civil Code requires NGO's to register with the
Government, and most NGO's are registered (see Section 2.b.); however,
some continued to operate without legal standing. Some NGO's chose
not to register because they objected to the requirement of registration
in principle or because they did not have the money to pay the
registration fee. An increasing number of government officials made
an effort to work with domestic and foreign NGO's, although others
persisted in asserting that NGO's should stay out of sectors of government
interest. A coalition of NGO'S, which became active in lobbying
Parliament over the draft local government law in 2000, remained active
and focused attention on draft media, religion, and election laws.
The coalition successfully lobbied Parliament to publish the legislative
drafts and convinced Parliament to reject the draft media law, although
this decision later was reversed (see Section 2.a.). The Government permitted international and foreign
NGO's and multilateral institutions dealing with human rights to visit the
country and meet with local human rights groups as well as government
officials. The International Labor Organization (ILO), the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (ICRC),
the UNHCR, the IOM, and the OSCE have permanent offices in the country.
The Presidential Commission on Human Rights is a
consultative and advisory body. It prepares annual reports to the
President that can be released to the public only with the President's
consent. The Commission provides free legal and consultative
assistance to citizens. In addition, the Commission monitors
fulfillment of international human rights conventions and proposes
legislative improvements. The Commission receives complaints from
citizens in person, by telephone or in writing. In the first half of
the year, the Commission received more than 300 written complaints.
According to the Commission, the majority of complaints are economic or
social in nature, such as nonpayment of benefits and nonpayment of
salaries. Complaints relating to conditions of military service,
education, abuses by investigative authorities, and nonenactment of court
decisions also were common. Local NGO's and human rights monitors
alleged that the Commission tended to deny or downplay charges of abuses
of civil liberties and political rights. NGO's believe that the
Commission, due to its status as a Government body, is influenced by the
Government and downplays cases. In 1999 the Commission proposed the establishment
of a human rights ombudsman; legislation to create an ombudsman was being
reviewed by the Ministry of Justice at year's end. Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex,
Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status The Constitution states that "everyone is equal
before law and court. No one may be subjected to any discrimination
for reasons of origin, social position, occupation, property status, sex,
race, nationality, language, attitude to religion, convictions, place of
residence, or any other circumstances;" however, the Government does not
enforce this provision effectively on a consistent basis. The
Government has favored ethnic Kazakhs in government employment and,
according to many citizens, in the process of privatizing state
enterprises. Women Violence against women, including domestic
violence, was a problem. In a 1999 government survey, 28 percent of
women surveyed indicated that they had been victims of domestic
abuse. Most respondents correlated domestic abuse with physical or
sexual assault and not with psychological or economic abuse. The
Ministry of Interior reported 190 cases of rape filed with police in the
first 10 months of the year. Of these cases, the Ministry reported
that 80 percent occurred at work or in educational institutions, and that
the majority of victims knew their rapist. The NGO Women's
Information Center reported over 13,000 crimes committed against women in
the first 6 months of the year, among which more than 8,800 were
considered grave crimes. NGO activists and prison officials stated
that domestic violence was a significant factor in the majority of cases
of women serving sentences for murder. In a December conference on
sexual violence, the Ministry of Interior representative reported that
approximately 68 percent of female prisoners might be in prison on charges
resulting from domestic violence. There is no specific law on domestic violence;
however, it may be addressed under assault and battery provisions of the
Criminal Code. There is no law that specifically prohibits spousal
rape. The maximum sentence for wife beating is 3 years. The
punishment for rape can range from 3 to 15 years imprisonment. There
was no information on the percentage of crimes against women that have
been prosecuted successfully, but police often are reluctant to intervene
in domestic disputes, considering them to be the family's business, unless
they believe that the abuse is life threatening. Under the Criminal
Procedure Code, prosecutors may not initiate a rape case, absent
aggravating circumstances such as gang rape, unless the victim files a
complaint. There were unconfirmed reports that prosecutors sometimes
interpreted this provision to require rape victims to pay for forensic
testing, pay the expenses of prosecution, and personally prosecute rape
cases themselves. Police also may not detain a person legally for
more than 72 hours if the victim refuses to provide a written complaint
and in most cases, women refuse to follow through with charges. An
Almaty crisis center reported that out of 477 women who came to the center
during 2000, only 7 actually followed through with charges. Of those
seven cases, five either were not accepted for trial because the
prosecutors did not feel there was sufficient evidence, or were lost in
court; two cases remained pending at year's end. During the year,
new domestic violence units opened within the Almaty and Astana police
departments. A women's crisis center in Almaty stated that the
Almaty police are very effective when there is a complaint. There is
very little reporting on rape in the press. Prostitution is legal; however, forced
prostitution or prostitution connected to organized crime is
illegal. Prostitution was a serious problem. Trafficking in women was a serious problem (see
Section 6.f.). The Criminal Code and the Labor Code prohibit
sexual harassment. A 1999 survey showed that 10 percent of women
reported that they were exposed to or witnessed cases of sexual harassment
in the 3 months prior to the survey. There is no legal discrimination against women,
but traditional cultural practices limit their role in society and in
owning and managing businesses or property. The President and other
members of the Government speak in favor of women's rights, and official
state policy (adopted in 1997) states that constitutional prohibitions on
sex discrimination must be supported by effective government measures;
however, women are underrepresented severely in higher positions in state
enterprises and overrepresented in low-paying and some menial jobs.
Women have unrestricted access to higher education. Approximately 30 women's rights organizations are
registered, including the Feminist League, Women of the East, the Almaty
Women's Information Center, and the Businesswomen's Association. In
September 2000, the Government announced the creation of a $4.5 million
(661 million tenge) fund to provide loans to female entrepreneurs;
however, the fund had not distributed any loans by year's end. Children The Government is committed to children's rights;
however, budget stringencies and other priorities severely limit its
effectiveness in dealing with children's issues. Education is
mandatory through age 16, although students may begin technical training
after the 9th grade. Primary and secondary education is both free
and universal. The law provides for equal access to education by
both boys and girls. There is no societal pattern of abuse against
children. Rural children normally work during harvests (see Section
6.d.). There is one local NGO that works with juveniles
released from prisons. Persons with Disabilities Citizens with disabilities are entitled by law to
assistance from the Government and there is no legal discrimination
against persons with disabilities; however, in practice employers do not
give them equal consideration. Assisting persons with disabilities
is a low priority for the Government. There are laws mandating the
provision of accessibility to public buildings and commercial
establishments for persons with disabilities; however, the Government does
not enforce these laws. There have been some improvements to
facilitate access in Almaty and Astana, such as wheelchair
ramps. Mentally ill and mentally retarded citizens can be
committed to institutions run by the State; these institutions are poorly
run and inadequately funded. The NGO, Kazakhstan International
Bureau for Human Rights, observed that the Government provides almost no
care for the mentally ill and mentally retarded due to a lack of funds.
Many media outlets (both official and
independent), including some of the most widely distributed, have
presented as objective news allegations that nontraditional religious
groups present a threat to national security and social cohesion.
Articles on Jehovah's Witnesses and Baha'i faiths were particularly
confrontational. The presence of some foreign missionaries is unwelcome to
some Muslim and Orthodox citizens (see Section 2.c.). National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities According to the Government, the population
consists of approximately 53 percent Kazakhs and 30 percent ethnic Slavs
(Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, and others) with many other ethnic
groups represented, including Uzbeks and Germans. The Government
continued to discriminate in favor of ethnic Kazakhs in senior government
employment, where ethnic Kazakhs predominate. President Nazarbayev
has emphasized publicly that all nationalities are welcome to participate;
nonetheless, many non-Kazakhs remain concerned about what they perceive as
expanding preferences for ethnic Kazakhs (see Section 3). Most of the population speaks Russian and
approximately half of all ethnic Kazakhs speak Kazakh fluently.
According to the Constitution, the Kazakh language is the official state
language. The Constitution states that the Russian language may be
used officially on a basis equal with that of the Kazakh language in
organizations and bodies of local self-administration. In September
Southern Kazakhstan Oblast announced that it would conduct all oblast
administrative business in Kazakh; as a result, the Oblast conducts
business in both Kazakh and Russian. Some ethnic Russians believe
that Russian should be designated as a second state language. The
Government has encouraged more education of children in the Kazakh
language, but it has done little to provide Kazakh-language education for
adults. The language law was intended to strengthen the use of
Kazakh without infringing on the rights of citizens to use other
languages; however, it has not been funded sufficiently to make
Kazakh-language education universal. Kazakhstani Chechens in the village of Krasnaya
Polyanka reported that local officials block applications for passports
and local identification of their Kazakhstani-born children, especially
young men. This lack of documentation prohibits travel outside the
village, enrollment in institutes and universities, and employment. Section 6 Worker Rights a. The Right of Association The Constitution and the Labor Code provide for
basic worker rights, including the right to organize; however, the
Government at times infringed on these rights. Some workers remained
members of state-sponsored trade unions established during the Soviet
period, when membership was obligatory. At some enterprises, the
state-sponsored unions continued to deduct 1 percent of each worker's wage
as dues. The state unions are controlled by the Government and at
times have discouraged workers from forming or joining independent
unions. A collective bargaining law gives workers the
right to join or form unions of their choosing and to stop the automatic
dues deductions for the state unions. The Confederation of Free
Trade Unions (CFTUK), formerly the Independent Trade Union center of
Kazakhstan, claims a membership of approximately 300,000 persons; however,
the actual number of independent trade union members is estimated to be
much lower. The progovernment Federation of Trade Unions claims 4
million members; however, observers believe that figure is too high.
To obtain legal status, an independent union must
apply for registration with the local judicial authority at the oblast
level and with the Ministry of Justice. Registration is generally
lengthy, difficult, and expensive. The process of registering a
union appears to be completely subjective, with no published
criteria. During the year, 28 new trade unions were registered; no
trade unions were denied registration. The two major independent
trade union confederations, the Federation of Trade Unions and the
Confederation of Trade Unions, are registered. Courts may cancel a
union's registration; however, there were no such cases during the
year. The Constitution provides for the right to strike,
and unions and individual workers exercised their right to strike during
the year, primarily to protest the nonpayment of wages and in an attempt
to recover back wages owed to workers. According to the law, workers
may exercise the right to strike only if a labor dispute has not been
resolved by means of existing conciliation procedures. In addition,
the law requires that employers be notified that a strike is to occur no
less than 15 days before its commencement. The nonpayment of wages
continued to be the priority issue for workers, and there were numerous
strikes throughout the country to protest the nonpayment of wages and
unsafe working conditions. In May a group of 13 workers at the
Sokolov-Sarbay factory in Kostanai Oblast participated in hunger strikes
to protest the plant's decision to lay off a portion of the facility's
workers. During the year, activist unions came under government
pressure for holding unsanctioned demonstrations and marches. In 2000 workers of the Uralsk "Mettalist" factory,
led by the independent trade union of the factory, conducted mass meetings
demanding the full payment of salaries. In August 2000, a second
strike at the factory ended when the regional akim promised workers that
they would receive the 3 years back pay they demanded. In October a
commission to investigate the situation was created; however, the
Commission had not made a finding at year's end and no back wages had been
paid. The Constitution prohibits the operation in the
country of foreign trade unions and prohibits the financing of trade
unions by foreign legal entities and citizens, foreign states, and
international organizations. Some associations of trade unions were
able to receive financing from foreign sources by registering as "public
organizations" rather than labor unions. The law does not forbid
other nonmonetary types of assistance such as training; participation in
training programs appeared to increase during the year. By law unions freely may join federations or
confederations and affiliate with international bodies. Most
independent trade unions belong to the CFTUK. The Independent Miners
Federation of Kazakhstan and the State Miners' Union of Karaganda are
members of the Miners' International Federation. Unions belonging to
the CFTUK are not members of international federations but are able to
maintain contacts with foreign trade union federations. b. The Right to Organize and Bargain
Collectively The law permits collective bargaining and
collective agreements. If a union's demands are not acceptable to
management, it may present those demands to an arbitration commission
composed of management, union officials, and independent technical
experts. In January 2000, a new Labor Law entered into effect that
provides for an individual contract between employee and each
employee. Collective bargaining agreements are allowed as long as
they do not reduce protections afforded to the workers in their individual
contracts or under law; previously the terms of contracts were set only by
law and collective bargaining agreements. The law gives employers
the right to fire an employee without the consent of the employee's
union. An employee still may choose to be represented by a union in
a labor dispute; however, the employee has the option of choosing other
representation as well. There is no legal protection against antiunion
discrimination. The law does not provide mechanisms to protect workers who
join independent unions from threats or harassment by enterprise
management or state-run unions. Members of independent unions have
been dismissed, transferred to lower paying or lower status jobs,
threatened, and intimidated. According to independent union leaders,
state unions work closely with management to ensure that independent trade
union members are the first to be fired in times of economic
downturn. In March the Sokolov-Sarbay Ore Mining and Enrichment
Plant in Kostanai Oblast fired all members of the independent trade union
"Zhelyznodorozhnik" (Railroadman). Fired union members appealed to
the courts, where the decision to fire the workers was upheld. In
June there were three instances when the Chairman of the Tentenskaya Coal
Mine Independent Union was barred from the mine's territory by mine
security. There are no export processing zones. c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory
Labor The Constitution prohibits forced labor except "at
the sentence of the court or in the conditions of a state of emergency or
martial law;" however, trafficking in women, primarily to other countries
was a problem (see Section 6.f.). The National Labor Law prohibits forced and bonded
labor by children; however, trafficking in children, primarily teenage
girls, to other countries was a problem (see Section 6.f.). d. Status of Child Labor Practices and
Minimum Age for Employment The minimum age for employment is 14 years, but
only for part-time work (5 hours a day) that is not physically onerous.
Children from the ages of 16 to 18 can work full-time provided that they
are not required to do any heavy work. The Government has
acknowledged that children in this age group work in construction and
other heavy industries but report that duties for children are limited to
washing windows, general cleaning, laying tile, and similar nonstrenuous
activities. A child between the ages of 14 and 16 may work only with
the permission of his or her parents. The law stipulates harsh
punishment for employers who exploit children under the age of 16.
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcement of child labor laws
and for administrative offenses punishable by fines; the MVD is
responsible for criminal offenses. The Criminal Code allows for
fines up to $25,000 (3,675,000 tenge) and 2 years in prison in cases in
which a minor is injured or placed in unhealthy conditions. Child
labor is used routinely in agricultural areas, especially during harvest
season; but abuse of child labor generally is not a problem. In September 2000, the President signed ILO
Convention 182 on the Rights of Children on the Sale of Children; however,
the Parliament had not ratified it by year's end. The National Labor Law prohibits forced and bonded
labor by children; however, trafficking in children, primarily teenage
girls, to other countries was a problem (see Section 6.f.). e. Acceptable Conditions of Work The Government sets the monthly minimum wage,
which was $24 (3,484 tenge), an increase of approximately $4 from
2000. The minimum monthly pension remained approximately $25 per
month (3,500 tenge). The minimum wage does not provide a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. The minimum wage also
was below the minimum subsistence amount $26 (4,007 tenge) for one person
as calculated in 2000 by the Kazakhstan Institute of Nutrition.
However, the average monthly wage was $119 (17,892 tenge) compared with an
averaged monthly wage in 2000 of $95.12 (13,521 tenge). Monthly
average wages during the year grew 19 percent over 2000. The legal maximum workweek is 48 hours, although
most enterprises maintained a 40-hour workweek, with at least a 24-hour
rest period. The Constitution provides that labor agreements
stipulate the length of working time, vacation days, holidays, and paid
annual leave for each worker. The Constitution provides for the right to "safe
and hygienic working conditions;" however, working and safety conditions
in the industrial sector are substandard. Safety consciousness in
both employees and employers is low. Workers in factories usually do
not wear protective clothing, such as goggles and hard hats, and work in
conditions of poor visibility and ventilation. Management largely
ignores regulations concerning occupational health and safety, which are
not enforced by the Ministry of Labor and the state-sponsored
unions. In January budget responsibility for labor inspectors was
moved from local budgets to the Ministry of Labor. This resulted in
an increase in the number and frequency of labor inspector visits;
however, the frequency of inspections remained insufficient to provide for
occupational health and safety. Workers, including miners, have no
legal right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without
jeopardy to continued employment. Foreign workers, those legally present with labor
permits, are provided with the same minimum wages and labor standards as
local workers under the law. Legal foreign labor is limited by a
quota of 10,500 workers per year, which generally is filled by Turkish,
Western European, and American workers in the oil industry. These
highly skilled workers earn more on average than local workers and enjoy
work and living standards above the local standards. However,
illegal workers are not covered under labor laws and do not receive the
same legal protections. These illegal workers are generally
unskilled migrant laborers from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyz Republic, and
Tajikistan, who cross into southern Kazakhstan seeking agricultural
jobs. They frequently are paid considerably less than local workers
and work in substandard conditions. Law enforcement agencies in
Southern Kazakhstan Oblast report that during an investigation the week of
April 16-22, more than 586 illegal migrant workers were discovered.
The authorities deported 222 persons and another 129 were imprisoned. f. Trafficking in Persons The law does not specifically prohibit trafficking
in persons, although government officials generally maintained that
prosecutors effectively could charge traffickers under the existing
Criminal Code; trafficking in women and girls was a problem. There
is no evidence of a pattern of official complicity with trafficking,
although corruption of law enforcement officials is widespread (see
Section 1.c.). In June 2000, the official press reported that
customs and border officials were under investigation for possible
complicity with a trafficking ring in the southern part of the country;
however, no charges had been brought against any officials by year's end.
Kazakhstan is a country of origin and transit for
trafficking, and there is some anecdotal evidence that the country also
may be a destination country in a few cases. Trafficking within the
country also may occur. Women and girls from Kazakhstan were
trafficked to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Greece, Turkey, Israel, and
South Korea. Reportedly women from the Kyrgyz Republic also were
trafficked through the country to the same destinations. There is
some evidence of Kyrgyz laborers (men and women) being trafficked to
Almaty Oblast (just across the Kyrgyz-Kazakh border) to work as laborers
in tobacco fields. There are no official statistics on trafficking,
but women's rights groups and the IOM stated that the problem was serious
and growing. Experts estimated that approximately 5,000 women have
been trafficked in the past 10 years. In 1999 according to the MVD,
25 women were repatriated from Greece, 21 from the UAE, 16 from Turkey and
3 from Israel. Law enforcement agencies registered 300 reported
cases of trafficking from January to October. Traffickers
target young women in their teens and twenties. According to the
Kazakhstan Crisis Center for Women and Children, most women were recruited
with promises of good jobs or marriage abroad. Travel, employment,
and marriage agencies often recruit victims through advertisements
promising lucrative jobs in other countries. Offers to participate
in international beauty contests also are used. Formerly trafficked
women reportedly have recruited new victims personally. Many
trafficking victims appear to be aware or at least to suspect that they
are going to work as prostitutes, but not that they will be working under
slavery-like conditions. NGO's state that the rising number of women
being trafficked from the country is due to the lack of employment
opportunities and lack of information about trafficking. Most
trafficked persons travel to their destinations on passports obtained
abroad, most often from Russia or the Kyrgyz Republic. There are no laws that specifically prohibit
trafficking; however, there is an article of the criminal code that
address trafficking in minors. The criminal code provides
punishment of up to 3 years in jail for illegal involvement in
prostitution. Prostitution is legal; however, prostitution connected
with organized crime is punishable by up to 5 years in jail.
According to Article 135, the kidnaping of persons is punishable by a term
of up to 7 years. An organized group working for sexual or other
exploitation can be punished with up to 15 years in prison and
confiscation of property. Within the Government, the National
Commission for Women's and Family Issues (the National Commission) has
taken the lead to address trafficking. Law enforcement agencies and
the KNB have investigated specific cases of trafficking. In July a
regional court convicted a man of trafficking young women and sentenced
him to 4 years in prison. According to the regional court, since
1999 the man had trafficked 15 women overseas. Two women that he
trafficked to Switzerland were able to escape and return to the country
where they brought charges against him with the regional court. In May the Government formed a working group to
draft amendments to strengthen existing legislation and to address
trafficking specifically; no legislation had been passed at year's
end. In June the Government reinstated required licensing for
tourist agencies in an effort to uncover agencies involved in
trafficking. The Prosecutor General's office conducted several
inspections between September and December, and found that many tourist
agencies failed to provide for the return of their clients to
Kazakhstan. The Prosecutor General reported that most of these
tourist agencies closed voluntarily after the inspections. There is no government assistance for trafficked
women who have returned to the country; however, NGO's run crisis support
centers that provide assistance. The Government does not run any trafficking
prevention programs; however, nongovernmental efforts to combat
trafficking in persons continued and the Government cooperates with this
groups. In May NGO's hosted a joint Central Asian Conference on
trafficking. Attending NGO's participated in a 1 day training
session on professional methods of covering antitrafficking issues.
Organizers published a manual with instructions for conducting information
campaigns, creating educational programs for schools and university
students and monitoring trafficking incidents. The results of the
conference were released to the public through a series of press
conferences. Media attention to the trafficking problem also has
increased through advertisements and poster campaigns. | |||||